EU’s Resilience in the Eastern Partnership Region vs Russia’s Hybrid Aggression

The article examines the issues of counteracting the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation in the countries of the Eastern Partnership. It is stated that European Union has been implementing the Eastern Partnership policy for more than ten years. This implementation has been a resounding success for all, without exception, the six target states. Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and Georgia have advanced much more in their European aspirations. However, this does not stop the Russian Federation from further positioning all the states that were once part of the USSR as a sphere of its ultimate influence. Russia is also producing rivalry with the EU for influencing all, without exception, the Eastern Partnership states and even the EU. An overview of academic research analyzing the resilience of the EU in the face of Russia in the context of its impact on the Eastern Partnership countries is set out in this article. Some approaches have been used to define the EU as a “normative power” and Russia’s controversial policy towards neighbouring countries. The examination of the works described in the article concludes that the Russian Federation continues to regard neighbouring states as its sphere of influence, particularly Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia. Moscow considers any attempt by a third party to interfere as an intrusion on its unique field of power. As can be observed from the investigated sources, Russia’s activities are scarcely diplomatic or focused on global democratic norms. In its Eastern Partnership strategy, the EU, on the other hand, utilizes values as a guideline. Simultaneously, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, and Georgia must demand immediate modifications to the Eastern Partnership policy. The potential of EU membership, in particular, must be appropriately explained by Brussels.

Technologies of Manipulation During the Presidential Elections of 1999 in Ukraine

The article examines the election campaigns of the late twentieth century. in Ukraine and proved, that they operated manipulation technologies. The state was democratizing the political system, adoption of new election legislation, transition to a mixed electoral system; political pluralism was formed, the number of parties has increased significantly, the struggle for power intensified. With each subsequent election campaign (presidential, parliamentary), the political struggle intensified, and voter engagement technologies have become more vulnerable. The author proves, that the ways and purposes of application of technologies depend on motivations of subjects of the power, as: obtaining, exercising and retaining power; the desire to achieve political and social results, most profitable for pragmatic actors, although this may run counter to collective goals. In Ukraine, democratic processes are not yet complete, traditions of democracy and stable political institutions are absent. Instead, manipulation technologies, electoral engineering, which are aimed at limiting the actions of competitors and creating favorable conditions for their own victory. This prevents the formation of certain restraints, barriers to manipulation technologies, familiar to many civilized democracies.

Germany’s Position Concerning the Nord Stream-2 Pipeline in the Context of the European Union’s Energy Security

The article analyzes the underlying foundations of Germany’s position regarding the construction of Russia’s Nord Stream 2 pipeline, as well as the impact of this position on the European Union’s joint energy policy and energy security. Against the backdrop of the constantly growing energy consumption both globally and in EU specifically, supplies of energy sources are being increasingly used by exporters as an instrument of political influence. In this context, the Nord Stream-2 pipeline is regarded as such an instrument, primarily by Russia itself. On the other hand, Germany has been supporting the construction of the new Russian pipeline due to the need to ensure uninterrupted supply of cheap natural gas. The latter is of particular significance for the realization of Germany’s long-term energy transformation strategy. However, by sticking to such a position, Germany prioritizes its own political and economic interests over those of EU and individual Member States, which is contrary to one of the main principles of EU’s functioning, i.e., the principle of solidarity. With this in mind, it is reasonable to conclude that Germany is almost single-handedly defining the strategic direction of the entire EU’s energy policy without paying due attention to alternative suppliers and sources.

Theoretical and Methodological Features of Europeanization and New Institutionalism

It is identified in the paper that one of the important prerequisites for implementing an effective European integration policy is to consider the theories of Europeanization and new institutionalism. The essence of the concepts of "Europeanization" and "new institutionalism" is studied, the evolution of theoretical approaches to their research is considered, and the directions of studying "external" Europeanization were analyzed. The paper proves that the concept of Europeanization is widely used in the European scientific literature to analyze the political and regulatory influence of the European Union on new EU member states and neighboring countries, as well as the fundamental mechanisms of Europeanization. The author notes that Europeanization implies changes, transformations, and reforms taking place in all spheres of life under the influence of European integration processes, which can be analyzed from the standpoint of new institutionalism. The key provision of the new institutionalism is defined by the commonly used expression – "institutions matter", whose analytical priorities are to use a wide range of interdisciplinary approaches to the analysis of norms, institutions and processes.

Middle Ages Christian Colour Precious Stones Symbols in the Context of a new Conception of Symbol as a Synergetic Linguo-Cultural Hyper Sign

The article focuses on systematic research of Christian colour precious stones symbols in the context of a new conception of symbol as a synergetic lingo cultural hyper sign. It was pointed out that colours as hyper symbols, which were realized through precious stones, accepted symbolic use typical for Christianity. It was also proved that in Middle Ages colour was an expressive characteristic for precious stones depicting in literature. In general symbols were defined as complicated cultural phenomena depending upon both individual interpretation and upon the level of cultural stereotypes.

Political Process in Bulgaria: Failed Coalition and the Third Parliamentary Elections during One Year

The article analyzes the political process in the Republic of Bulgaria and a number of elections to the National Assembly,which in 2021 were already in April, July and announced for November.The factors, which influenced the need to hold parliamentary elections three times in a row.This shows, that the state is going through a difficult period of instability and turbulence.Building a democratic state governed by the rule of law in Bulgaria,despite its membership in the EU, it is still in its infancy. The author emphasizes that the state is growing alienated from democratic political processes and despair of their effectiveness.This requires legal regulation of the following issues:ensuring universal suffrage;the possibility of campaigning and outreach among voters on others,in addition to the state (Bulgarian) languages,after all, large minorities live in Bulgaria (Turkish, Roma, etc.);improving the financing of election campaigning and the mechanism for appealing the results of parliamentary electionsbased on the transition from indirect to direct appeal by election participants to the NZB of their results. Solving the main problem of Bulgaria – reducing corruption,in fact, it did not happen.Positive success in the fight against corruption can be achieved with the support of the population,his belief that the state will be able to defeat corruption,clear enforcement of anti-corruption measures in various government agencies and institutions.The growth of political consciousness of citizens,which is expressed in a broad protest movement,in the medium term may become the internal basis for the formation of real,rather than a formal electoral system organized according to European standards.

Romania’s Anti-Corruption Policy: Results, Prospects and Experience for Ukraine

The article analyzes the results and prospects of anti-corruption policy in Romania. Using the method of a logical chain model for evaluating government programs and projects made it possible to prove that two competing approaches have emerged in Romania regarding the appropriateness of the forms and methods of this process: the first of them is focused on the quantitative result of anti-corruption policy, which is achieved despite numerous procedural violations of the legal procedure; the second emphasizes the need and importance of ensuring and strict observance of procedural guarantees and legal decisions focused on the quality of the results of anti-corruption activities of special anti-corruption structures. It was found that the growth of the institutional and organizational potential of anti-corruption structures in Romania led to a quantitative increase in the effectiveness of anti-corruption policy, while reducing its qualitative indicators, reflected in the procedural characteristics of the implementation of anti-corruption policy. Such a ratio of quantitative and qualitative results of anti-corruption policy indicates a certain imbalance in the activities of the structures of the anti-corruption activity system and requires a political adjustment of anti-corruption policy. It has been substantiated that the most important aspect of anti-corruption practices that can be used in Ukraine is the public consensus on the ratio of quantitative and qualitative indicators of the effectiveness and efficiency of the implementation of anti-corruption policy. It is noted that the pursuit of quantitative indicators, however, as well as neglect of them, will inevitably form a public discourse about the organizational necessity / importance of the national system of anti-corruption institutions and the principles of anti-corruption policy.

Issues and Prospects of Investigative Journalist Activities in the context of anti-corruption in contemporary Ukraine

In the article the author considers the problems faced by investigative journalists in the process of combating corruption in contemporary Ukraine. In particular, regarding the negative perception of their activities within society; lack of proper security of journalists in detecting corruption offenses by government officials; difficulties in finding and accessing information on corrupt transactions. The need to establish high-quality mutual support and cooperation between NGOs and investigative journalists to address the above issues, as well as to develop joint recommendations for overcoming corruption risks based on their own activities. The advantages of NGO cooperation with investigative journalists in the context of protecting the latter from persecution by the authorities are highlighted. The author sees the solution of the most of problems related to the professional activity of investigative journalists in a special network created for them, which would monitor the movement of corruption funds and ensure high-quality receipt and exchange of relevant information. It is proposed to create a similar network in Ukraine, which would cover all regions and could lay an information basis for establishing effective anti-corruption control at the national level.

Features of the Implementation of Decommunization Policy of the Symbolic Space in Local Macrocommunities of Ukraine

The article analyzes the practices of local self-government in Ukraine in the field of decommunization of urban spaces in Kiev, Kharkov, Odessa, Dnieper. The peculiarities of the implementation of the policy of de-communization of the symbolic space indicate that since 2015, at the level of local macrocommunities, they have become public arenas of interpretations of the past. Their memorial symbolic structure reflects the competition between political actors representing competing commemorative orders. Local self-government practices have acquired their expressive specificity in each of the local macrocommunities. In particular, in Kiev, the policy of local self-government bodies is designated by us as “political”, which is associated with its status as the capital of Ukraine. It was this status that subordinated the symbolic space of local history and the retrospective reverse to historical names. Local authorities in Odessa and Kharkov carried out decommunization with the involvement, in addition to the political, pragmatic (Kharkov) and historical (Odessa) practices of renaming toponyms. Historical practice has become the core of the practice of decommunization of the symbolic space of the Dnieper. At the same time, local governments in all four cities of Ukraine were subjects of political competition (“symbolic struggle”) for the right to form and approve the idea of the legitimate order of the city's symbolic space. By referring to Ukraine's policy in the field of decommunization as one that has elements of symbolic violence, local governments fueled the social tension that accompanied the implementation of this policy.