China’s Rise in Latin America

Author(s):  
He Li

China’s growing presence in Latin America is among the most visible trends in the Western Hemisphere. Through trade and investment, China has reshaped the economies of several countries in the region, raising concerns both in Latin America and the United States. This study examines Chinese economic involvement in Latin America, focusing on trade, direct investment, and finance, and making five arguments. First, due to weaker growth in both China and Latin America, China’s regional economic expansion will slow down in coming years. Second, China is keen to forge closer ties with Latin America, but the idea that it has become a major target of Chinese expansionism is delusional. Third, Beijing talks a lot about South-South cooperation, but this has been more principle than actual practice. China no longer belongs to the periphery of the global system; it has become part of a semi-periphery. Fourth, some argue that emerging economic ties are detrimental to Latin America. In fact, the rise of China presents both challenges and opportunities for the region’s development. Fifth, there is a false fear that China poses a looming threat to American interests in Latin America. There is little evidence that Beijing seeks to upend U.S. regional dominance.

Author(s):  
R. Evan Ellis

The national security challenge presented by the People’s Republic of China (P.R.C.) to the United States in the Western Hemisphere is principally long-term and indirect. It is a challenge that is widely misunderstood, and only partly related to the growing activities of P.R.C. armed forces in the hemisphere. The severity of the challenge, and its potential to transform from a difficult-to-define erosion of U.S. global position and long-term prosperity to an acute military threat, will depend, in part, on the adeptness of U.S. policymakers in navigating the landscape of threats and opportunities stemming from the rise of China as a dominant global actor. Whether U.S. policymakers are successful or not, China’s presence in the Western Hemisphere will likely continue to be a defining consideration for U.S. national security in the mid-21st century. The purpose of this chapter is to discuss that security challenge and the response of the U.S. to date, and to offer recommendations for U.S. policymakers.


Subject Bolivia foreign policy. Significance President Evo Morales this month visited the United Arab Emirates and Turkey. The trips underscore Bolivia’s attempts to build political and economic ties beyond Latin America in the global South. This reflects his government’s interest in accessing new sources of trade and investment. It also shows the desire to build links that offset his country’s deteriorating relations with many others in the Western Hemisphere. Impacts Potential investors will remain sceptical as to the government’s ability to guarantee the fulfilment of contracts. Still largely untapped, Bolivia’s geology offers huge mining potential. Investment in mining and hydrocarbons will do little to resolve Bolivia’s employment needs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 495-518
Author(s):  
Ka Zeng ◽  
Xiaojun Li

Abstract The rapid increase in recent years of Chinese outbound foreign direct investment (FDI) has prompted growing scholarly interest in its economic and political implications for host countries. However, relatively little attention has been paid to how concerns over the rise of China may shape public attitudes towards such investment. This article tests the link between threat perception and preferences for FDI in the United States. We argue that, due to heightened geopolitical concerns and nationalism, perceptions of the China threat negatively affect how the American public views the impact of incoming Chinese FDI. Using a survey experiment, we show that respondents are indeed less likely to support Chinese FDI when primed with information that highlights the security and economic threats posed by China than when they receive no such priming. Furthermore, causal mediation analyses reveal that the treatment effects of security and economic threats are mediated by respondents’ concerns about the challenges that Chinese FDI poses to national security as well as to American economy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 350
Author(s):  
Fadhila Inas Pratiwi ◽  
Dini Putri Saraswati ◽  
M. Muttaqien

The rise of China can be perceived either as a threat or as an opportunity to and for the US, mostly depending on US grand foreign policy interests and its related strategies. If the US feels comfortable living in a multipolar world in which it is considered to be an equal among the major powers, China is more likely to be perceived as a partner. However, if the goal of US foreign policy is to strengthen its position as the sole superpower or even as a hyper-power, and does not choose to recognise other major countries, then the rise of China will be perceived as a threat. Based on this underlying assumption, this article seeks to examine the exact interests of the US: Is it threatened by the rise of China or is it not? This article starts by explaining the grand theories and relating it to the research question. The next explanation examines the economic ties between the two countries. The final consideration is the possibility of military conflict given several recent occurrences, such as the Taiwan and South China Sea (SCS) dispute. This article concludes that the rise of China will threaten the interests of the US. However, it will not necessarily lead to war between them.


2004 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Kenneth Maxwell ◽  
William Chislett

1965 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wesley Phillips Newton

In Latin America, international rivalry over aviation followed World War I. In its early form, it consisted of a commercial scramble among several Western European nations and the United States to sell airplanes and aviation products and to establish airlines in Latin America. Somewhat later, expanding European aviation activities posed an implicit threat to the Panama Canal.Before World War I, certain aerophiles had sought to advance the airplane as the panacea for the transportation problem in Latin America. The aviation pioneer Alberto Santos-Dumont of Brazil and the Aero Club of America, an influential private United States association, were in the van. In 1916, efforts by these enthusiasts led to the formation of the Pan American Aviation Federation, which they envisioned as the means of promoting and publicizing aviation throughout the Western Hemisphere.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (7) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Syed Muhammad Saad Zaidi ◽  
Adam Saud

In contemporary times, the geo-political agenda and geo-economic strategy of the world is being dominated by the ongoing US-China hegemonic competition. Where the United States is trying to prolong the ‘unipolar moment’ and deter the rise of China; China is trying to establish itself as the hegemon in the Eastern hemisphere, an alternate to the US. The entirely opposite interests of the two Great Powers have initiated a hostile confrontational competition for domination. This paper seeks to determine the future nature of the US-China relations; will history repeat itself and a bloody war be fought to determine the leader of the pack? or another prolonged Cold War will be fought, which will end when one side significantly weakens and collapses? Both dominant paradigms of International Relations, Realism and Liberalism, are used to analyze the future nature of the US-China relations.


Author(s):  
I. Danilin

The “technological war” between the United States and China that started in 2017–2018 raises a number of questions about the future role of technological development as a factor in relations between superpowers. Analysis shows that for the United States this conflict is caused by changing balance of risks and benefits of the liberal model of globalization due to the rise of China`s power and growing geopolitical tensions between the two nations. In this context, emerging, especially digital, technologies appear to be a new battlefield between superpowers. Within the realist framework, actors consider emerging technologies as a key factor for strengthening their global postures. This, among other things, contributes to securitized technological agenda and strengthens its geopolitical dimension. Neo-technonationalism has become the platform that integrates different processes and goals into new U.S. policy. Although historically neo-technonationalism took its roots in Asia, the evolving market situation prompted the United States to rethink existing approaches and to upgrade the techno-nationalist dimension of its policy. Considering similar policies of China and the EU (i. e. the European digital sovereignty policy), this trend shapes new realities of technological “blocs”, the struggle for expansion of technological platforms, and technological conflicts. Taking into account prospective development needs of the global economy and future specification of mutual interest areas, as new digital technologies mature, the ground for normalizing the dialogue between the superpowers will emerge. However, at least in the U.S.–China case, this issue will be complicated by geopolitical contradictions that leave little room for any serious compromise.


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