scholarly journals Zapach wojny i gór. Huculi i Huculszczyzna w międzywojennej literaturze polskiej o tematyce współczesnej (część II)

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 277-296
Author(s):  
Jagoda Wierzejska

The article is the second part of a comprehensive study on representations of Hutsuls and the Hutsul region in the interwar Polish literature, which showed them during the First World War and the wars for the borders of the Second Polish Republic, as well as in the 1920s and 1930s. The article discuses, first and foremost, literary visions of Hutsuls and their native land in the third and fourth decade of the 20th century. The interwar Polish literature, which showed the Hutsul region “of today”, paid special attention to peacetime partnership of Poles and Hutsuls, which was to follow their wartime joint actions against Russians in the Eastern Carpathians in 1914–1915. It implied that this partnership was a result of a perfect match between the Polish national component and the Hutsul ethnic element. The article argues that Polish literature showed the compatibility of Poles and Hutsuls in the macro and micro dimensions. On the macro level, it was to be manifested, on the one hand, in the effective help of the Polish state institutions for Hutsuls, on the other hand, in the gratitude of Hutsuls for Poles. On the micro level, the Polish-Hutsul compatibility was to be manifested in friendly or intimate relations of representatives of both groups; relations which were invariably successful in spite of the fact that the Polish side dominated them and felt entitled to lead a civilization mission among Hutsuls. Such literary visions presented the Hutsul region as an integral part of the Second Polish Republic and its indigenous inhabitants as loyal citizens of the entire country. They also made it clear that Hutsuls affirmed Polishness and that Poles were welcomed and needed in the Hutsuls’s land. 

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 257-276
Author(s):  
Jagoda Wierzejska

The article is the first part of a comprehensive study on representations of Hutsuls and the Hutsul region in the interwar Polish literature, which showed them during the First World War and the wars for the borders of the Second Polish Republic, as well as in the 1920s and 1930s. The article discuses, first and foremost, literary visions of Hutsuls and their native land in the wartime. It argues that these visions were deeply affected by war events that took place in the Eastern Carpathians in 1914–1915, when Polish soldiers from the 2nd and 3rd Legions Infantry Regiments fought with Russians and occasionally cooperated with some military volunteers recruited from the Hutsul community. The interwar Polish literature showed the Eastern Carpathians as a space where Polish soldiers’ bravery and dedication to the national cause were distinctly manifested. It also described and, as a matter of fact, exaggerated acts of fraternization between Polish legionnaires and the Hutsuls. This way the Polish literature imposed an important, patriotic significance to the Hutsul region and strengthened its position in the Polish national memory. Simultaneously, it showed the whole Hutsul community as allies of Poles in the fight for independence. This literary approach suggested that Hutsuls had their own history and cultural reality that differed from the Ukrainian one but fit in well with the history and contemporary times of Poles.


2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer

In deze bronnenpublicatie ontleedt Luc Vandeweyer de parlementaire loopbaan van de geneesheer-politicus Alfons Van de Perre: hoe hij in 1912 feitelijk  tegen wil en dank  volksvertegenwoordiger werd, zich anderzijds blijkbaar naar behoren kweet van zijn taak en tijdens de eerste verkiezingen na de Eerste Wereldoorlog (1919) zijn mandaat hernieuwd zag maar meteen daarop ontslag nam. Volgens de bekende historiografische lezing was de abdicatie van de progressieve politicus een daad van zelfverloochening die enerzijds werd ingegeven door gezondheidsmotieven en  anderzijds was geïnspireerd door de wil om de eenheid binnen de katholieke partij te herstellen. De auteur komt op basis van nieuw en onontgonnen bronnenmateriaal tot de vaststelling dat Van de Perres spontane beslissing tot ontslag in de eerste plaats een strategische keuze was: in het parlement, waar hij zich overigens niet erg in zijn schik voelde, kon hij minder invloed uitoefenen op de Vlaamse beweging dan via de talrijke engagementen waarvoor hij voortaan de handen vrij had. Eén ervan was die van bestuurder én publicist bij het dagblad De Standaard.________Chronicle of the announcement of a resignation. Two remaekable letters by Alfons Van de Perre concerning his resignation as a Member of Parliament in 1919In this source publication Luc Vandeweyer analyses the parliamentary career of the physician-politician Alfons Van de Perre and he describes how Van de Perre became a Member of Parliament in 1912 actually against the grain, yet how he apparently did a good job carrying out his duties. During the first elections after the First World War (1919) Van de Perre found that his mandate was renewed, but he handed in his resignation immediately afterwards. According to the familiar historiographical interpretation the abdication of the progressive politician was an act of self-denial, which was prompted on the one hand by health reasons and on the other hand inspired by the will to restore unity within the Catholic political party. On the basis of new and so far unexplored source material the author concludes that the spontaneous decision by Van de Perres to hand in his resignation was above all a strategic choice: in the Parliament, which he did not much enjoy anyway, he could exert less influence on the Flemish movement than via his numerous commitments, which he was now free to take on. One of these was the post of director as well as political commentator of the newspaper De Standaard.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valerie Rosoux ◽  
Laurence van Ypersele

This article examines the gradual deconstruction of the Belgian national identity. Is it possible to speak of a de facto differentiation or even ‘federalization’ of the so-called ‘national past’ in Belgium? How do Belgians choose to remember and forget this past? To contribute to an understanding of these issues, the article considers two very different episodes of Belgian history, namely the First World War and the colonization of the Congo. On the one hand, the memory of the First World War appears to provide the template for memory conflicts in Belgium, and thus informs the memories of other tragedies such as the Second World War. On the other hand, the memory of the colonial past remains much more consensual – providing a more nuanced picture of competing views on the past. Beyond the differences between the ways in which these episodes are officially portrayed, the same fundamental trend may be observed: the gradual fragmentation of a supposedly smooth and reliable national version of history.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-74
Author(s):  
Clemens Six

Abstract This essay discusses in how far we can understand the evolution of secularism in South and Southeast Asia between the end of the First World War and decolonisation after 1945 as a result of transimperial and transnational patterns. In the context of the growing comparative literature on the history of secularisms around the globe, I argue for more attention for the mobility of ideas and people across borders. Conceptually, I suggest to capture the diversity of 20th century secularisms in terms of family resemblance and to understand this resemblance less as colonial inheritance but as the result of translocal networks and their circuits of ideas and practices since 1918. I approach these networks through a combination of global intellectual history, the history of transnational social networks, and the global history of non-state institutions. Empirically, I illustrate my argument with three case studies: the reception of Atatürk’s reforms across Asia and the Middle East to illustrate transnational discourses around secularism; the role of social networks in the form of translocal women’s circles in the interwar period; and private US foundations as global circuits of expertise. Together, these illustrations are an attempt to sustain a certain degree of coherence within globalising secularism studies while at the same time avoiding conceptual overstretch.


2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-45
Author(s):  
Fabian Van Wesemael

In this article the cultural reaction of French and Anglo-Saxon voluntary nurses to the impact of the First World War on the soldier’s body is analyzed by means of a discourse analysis of their (wartime) writings. It enriches the historiography that successfully corrects and deconstructs the traditional view of the Great War as a male-only, trench-fighter’s war. The descriptions and meanings given to the bodies are related to the identities of the authors. Both French and Anglo-Saxon nurses use two seemingly contradictory discourses. On the one hand they reveal the horrors of war by describing the bodies as maimed. On the other hand they idealize and masculinize the wounded body; it is represented as the site through which masculine identity is performed and thus constructed. The flip side of this representation is that the nurses appropriate an eternal femininity. This general tendency contrasts with the exceptional writings of three nurses: Enid Bagnold, Ellen La Motte, and Mary Borden, who deliver potent critiques of war and war nursing and contest the gendered war ideology by questioning (or even negating) ‘the male body’ and conventional notions of masculinity and femininity.


1943 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-25
Author(s):  
Edwin E. Witte

There is by this time quite a literature on the war economy. With the one exception of the recent symposium by Professor Steiner and his associates, most of whom are connected with the University of Indiana, all of the longer treatises on the subject discuss the war economy in abstract terms or on the basis of the experience of the First World War. These treatises served a useful purpose and were the only books on the economies of war which could be written at the time; but they now seem unreal, because this war differs so greatly from the prior struggle. The University of Indiana book, dealing as it does with concrete problems of present war, is up-to-the-minute and excellently done in all respects. It does not attempt, however, to do what I am venturing: a brief, overall picture of what the war has been doing to the United States.


1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. I. Hamilton

The word hero cannot be defined simply. According to time and speaker, it can imply anything from the bravery of a moment to the courage and statesmanship of a lifetime. We do not enjoy the distinction in English which La Bruyère drew in French: to him un héros was a young, dauntless and venturesome man, one like Alexander; but against him had to be set the truly great man, the grand homme, the one with judgement, foresight, experience and considerable ability - a man like Caesar. As we shall see, hero can be used to describe both kinds of men. But if it has no very specific meaning, it is an important word for any study of the Victorian era - an era that for our purposes is taken to cover the years from the 1830s to the outbreak of the First World War. For the Victorians loved a hero, and the word often came to their lips. Carlyle, whose Heroes and hero-worship was first published in 1841, thought that a nation's whole history could be told in terms of its heroes, and he and Kingsley and Froude, to name three of the important literary figures of the age, regarded heroes as being vital to any society. They thought it particularly important that the new burgeoning industrial society should have heroes of its own, and that these should act as beacons and as examples. As Froude said in Representative men (1850), ‘the only education worth anything is the education of character, and we cannot educate a character unless we have some notion of what we would form’.


1971 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. A. Thompson

A difficulty which faces students of American thought about foreign affairs is the relation between general principles and views of the world on the one hand and attitudes to specific issues of policy on the other. Since the pioneering work of Robert E. Osgood, historians have emphasized the important distinction between those whose primary concern is the protection of American national interests within the existing system of power politics, and those who seek above all to reform the international order in accordance with American liberal ideals. In recent years much attention has been paid to the influence of economic considerations, particularly the desire to promote American foreign trade. However, the relative weight attached to national security, liberal idealism and American economic interests overseas by individual Americans does not entirely account for their differing attitudes to particular questions. For in crucial debates, such as those over the Philippines and the League of Nations, each of these considerations was invoked by some on both sides of the argument. To some extent, the older and more superficial distinction between ‘isolationism’ and ‘anti-isolationism’, while concealing the variety of premises upon which either position could be founded, provides a better basis for predicting the readiness of Americans to favour particular foreign enterprises or commitments. Yet adherence even to these broad traditions has been far from consistent. Thus, while it would be natural to assume that the imperialists of 1898–1900 were more likely than their opponents to favour American intervention in the First World War, it is not clear that this was the case.


2016 ◽  
Vol 292 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-226
Author(s):  
Teresa Astramowicz-Leyk

This article presents the principle programming assumptions of the „Gazeta Grudziądzka” (1894–1939), written and published by one of the leaders of the popular movement in Western Prussia, Wiktor Kulerski. The rectified information refers to the date of the publication of the first issue of the magazine and the address of the printing house. Polish literature from Grudziądz had a popular, nationalist and Catholic character. The founder and owner of the paper and his colleagues focused on these three values. The „Gazeta” reached its largest circulation before the First World War. Later, due to the territorial changes in Greater Poland, uprisings and the attitudes of the publisher during the First World War, it was not easy to attract readers. With the accession of Kulerski to the Polish People’s Party „Piast”, the paper became a press instrument of the popular movement. Moreover, after the founder’s death his son, Witold, took over the publishing company. The enduring feature of the „Gazeta Grudziądzka” program was economic anti-Semitism. Nationalism was strongly emphasized until the First World War, but it was presented as a defence against the Germanization of Polish society under Prussian occupation.


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