scholarly journals Franco contra la Guardia Civil. El juicio a los agentes de la Benemérita integrados en la “Brigada Valentí”

2018 ◽  
pp. 329
Author(s):  
Ernesto Villar Cirujano
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
The Right

Resumen: Una parte de los agentes de contraespionaje que combatieron por la República contra la “quinta columna” fueron guardias civiles, pero ni su papel ni la respuesta judicial del Franquismo han sido profusamente estudiados. En esta investigación se analizan los sumarios abiertos contra ellos tras la Guerra Civil, el perfil y procedencia de los encartados, sus cometidos en estas labores de contraespionaje, las estrategias de acusados y acusadores y las penas impuestas. Pertenecer al Comité que depuró de derechistas la Benemérita fue castigado con dureza, aunque estos agentes “traidores” a la causa nacional se beneficiaron también de la política de indultos a partir de 1940.Palabras clave: Guerra Civil Española, Franquismo, “Quinta columna”, contraespionaje, Guardia Civil, Brigada Especial Valentí.Abstract: Some of the counterespionage agents serving the Second Republic in 1936, who fought Franco’s "fifth column", were “guardias civiles” (civil guards), although neither their role nor the judicial response of the Franco´s regime have been extensively studied. In this investigation, the investigative files opened against them after the Civil War, the profile and the processing of the defendants, their strategies in the trials and the penalties imposed are analyzed. Belonging to the Committee that purged the right-wing agents inside the Guardia Civil was punished harshly, although these agents "traitors" to the national cause also benefited from the policy of pardons from 1940.Keywords: Spanish Civil War, Francoism, “Fifth column”, counter-espionage, Guardia Civil, Brigada Especial Valentí.

scholarly journals Kocbekovo Premišljevanje o Španiji

2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-79
Author(s):  
Peter Kovačič Peršin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Common Goal ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
West European

EDVARD KOCBEK'S 'REFLECTION' ON SPAINDue to the Spanish Civil War, the ideological conflicts in the Catholic circles became more distinct. The clerical part, particularly the Slovenecdaily, which published biased articles on the Spanish Civil War in 1936 and 1937 with a special emphasis on condemning the rise of the popular front, understood the publication of Edvard Kocbek's essay as an attack on its views. Kocbek's purpose behind the Ponderingwas, however, to present a more balanced picture of the Spanish tragedy that was based on the reports by West European writers who favoured the Spanish republic.The Ponderingwas the central crystallising point that led to the final split in the Catholic circles, while at the same time stirring the left-wing political groups to start fighting for a common goal. But the main reason that it became the central crystallising point was the militant response by the right-wing Catholic group; the essay in itself would have otherwise been only considered a balanced representation of the situation in Spain, which were presented one-sidedly by the clerical press. This shows that political tensions on the territory of today's Slovenia had already reached their climax as early as a few years before the war, thus rendering a dialogue and a democratic compromise that could unite the Slovenians in a national defensive attitude impossible.

scholarly journals ΜΙΑ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ. ΟΙ ΙΣΠΑΝΟΙ ΕΘΝΙΚΙΣΤΕΣ ΚΑΙ Η 4η ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ

Μνήμων ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 157
Author(s):  
ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΚΑΤΣΟΥΔΑΣ
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
Republican Government ◽  
Foreign Governments ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Institutional Model ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Way

<p>Konstantinos Katsoudas, "<em>A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August</em></p> <p>The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their <em>Estado Nuevo, </em>while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a <em>raison d'etre </em>of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.</p>

The Second Spanish Republic in soviet and russian studies: specificity, problems, interpretations

2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 324-368
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Grantseva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Interdisciplinary Approaches ◽  
Second Spanish Republic ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Cultural Dialogue ◽  
Ideological Attitudes

For many years, representatives of Soviet and then Russian historical science paid special attention to the period of the Second Spanish Republic and, especially, to the events of 1936-1939. The Spanish Civil War was and remains a topic that attracts the attention of specialists and influences the development of a multifaceted Russian-Spanish cultural dialogue. There are significantly fewer works on the peaceful years of the Republic, which is typical not only for domestic science, but also for the historiography of this period as a whole. Four key periods can be distinguished in the formation of the national historiography of the Spanish Republic. The first is associated with the existence of the Republic itself and is distinguished by significant political engagement. The second opens after 1956 and combines the continuity with respect to the period of the 1930s. and, at the same time, striving for objectivity, developing methodology and expanding the source base. The third stage is associated with the period of the 1970s-1980s, the time of the restoration of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Spain, as well as the active interaction of historians of the two countries. The fourth stage, which lasted thirty years, was the time of the formation of the Russian historiography of the Second Republic, which sought to get rid of the ideological attitudes that left a significant imprint on the research of the Soviet period. This time is associated with the active archival work of researchers and the publication of sources, the expansion of topics, interdisciplinary approaches. Among the studies of the history of the Second Republic outside Spain, Russian historiography has a special place due to the specifics of Soviet-Spanish relations during the Civil War, and the archival funds in our country, and the traditions of Russian historical Spanish studies, and the preservation of republican memory.

scholarly journals Deans of humanitarianism and perfidy. The collaboration of the Diplomatic Missions of Argentina and Chile with the Francoist cause during the Spanish Civil War (and after), 1936-1969

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e010
Author(s):  
Carlos Píriz
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
The Right ◽  
Good Number

During the Spanish Civil War of 1936-1939, some thirty Diplomatic Missions opened their doors and create new sites for the reception of persecution victims under the protection of the right of asylum. However, beyond the humanitarian role, a tendentious collaboration of some of their delegates with the rebels could be seen from the beginning. Argentina and Chile, which held the Diplomatic Deanship in those years, were two prime examples of this. A good number of their representatives used various strategies to help the coup plotters of 1936, such as the refuge, care and irregular extraction of people or espionage. At the same time, they played a role that alternated between searching for consensus with other Diplomatic Missions (mainly the Latin American ones), which really meant demanding that those other legations follow their lead, and denouncing the excesses of the consolidated republican rearguard, especially on the international scene. A situation which tarnishes the image of the legitimate Spanish governments. Once the contest ended, many of those collaborators were praised and rewarded by the Franco regime, and other fascists regimes. This research focuses on demonstrating, based on original documentation and providing new and compelling data, that close (and proven) relationship.

scholarly journals Abnegadas, monárquicas, intelectuales, sindicalistas y delatoras. Las trabajadoras del servicio doméstico, sus representaciones y movilizaciones = Selfless, monarchists, intellectuals, trade unionists and betrayers. Domestic workers, their representations and mobilizations

2020 ◽  
pp. 517
Author(s):  
Eider de Dios Fernández
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Domestic Workers ◽  
Domestic Service ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
First Time

Resumen: Durante los años que van de 1920 a 1938 coexistieron modelos diferentes de mujer y, al mismo tiempo, se diversificaron las imágenes que se tenía sobre las sirvientas. Durante la dictadura de Primo de Rivera el servicio doméstico no fue considerado como un trabajo. Y ya durante la II República, aunque oficialmente el servicio doméstico obtuviera ese estatus, no se llevaron a cabo modificaciones que hicieran práctica esa incorporación. De todas maneras, durante esos años estas mujeres pudieron sindicarse y denunciar a sus patrones/as por primera vez, así como organizar movilizaciones, lo que cambiaría el imaginario de las sirvientas por mucho tiempo.Palabras clave: Servicio doméstico, II República, Dictadura de Primo de Rivera, género, Guerra Civil.Abstract: During the years between 1920 and 1938, different models of women coexisted and, at the same time, the images of the maids were diversified. During the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, domestic service was not considered a job. During the Second Republic, although officially the domestic service was considered as a job, no modifications were made to make this incorporation practice. Anyway, during these years for the first time these women could unionize and denounce their bosses, organize mobilizations which would change the image of the maids for a long time.Keywords: domestic service, II Spanish Republic, Primo de Rivera´s dictatorship, gender, Spanish Civil War.

scholarly journals BUNKERS OF THE SPANISH WAR: FROM THE REARGUARD TO THE TECHNICAL CULTURE OF THE INTER-WAR PERIOD. THE CASE OF <i>CLOT DE GALVANY</i>

2019 ◽  
Vol XLII-2/W15 ◽  
pp. 759-766
Author(s):  
A. Martínez-Medina ◽  
J. A. Marco Molina ◽  
P. J. Juan-Gutiérrez
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Mediterranean Coast ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Technical Culture ◽  
The Mediterranean

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> During the Spanish Civil War (1936&amp;ndash;39) the Second Republic ordered to build, from the end of 1937, a series of military structures to protect the cities located on the Mediterranean coast from a hypothetical landing or air incursions of the national side. This set of defenses was organized in two lines: coastal and antiaircraft detachments on top of hills and bunkers on the coast. In this work we proceed to the drawing of the bunker CG-bk04.elc, located in Clot de Galvany (Elche), 8&amp;thinsp;km south of Alicante, next to Carabassí beach, whose shape and dimensions are relevant enough, and its state of repair is quite good. This bunker is part of a larger group with a total of ten bunkers (of which eight still stand) that tried to prevent the advance of the enemy. The exterior drawing has been done by photogrammetry and the interior one manually, due to the small dimensions of its spaces. This work is included in a larger plan to document all these defences that are part of our technical and material legacy, as real ruins of the first modern concrete architecture, since the original designs of these bunkers were lost at the end of the conflict and nothing remains in the Army archives about them.</p>

Karl Renner and the Politics of Accommodation: Moderation versus Revenge

1991 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 35-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Loewenberg
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
First Republic ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

Karl Renner's political life encompasses the history of Austria's empire and her two twentieth-century republics, making him the foremost leader of Austrian democratic politics. Renner was also the most innovative theoretician on the nationalities question which plagued the Habsburg monarchy and the twentieth-century world. He was chancellor of Austria's first republic, leader of the right-wing Social Democrats, and president of the post-World War II Second Republic. A study of his life and politics offers a perspective on the origins of the moderate, adaptive, political personality and on the tension between ideology and accommodation to the point where it is difficult to determine what core of principle remained.

Argentine Neutrality, Mediation, and Asylum During the Spanish Civil War

1963 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 383-403
Author(s):  
Joe Robert Juárez
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Francisco Franco ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Church

Civil War broke out in Spain in 1936. Following eight years of dictatorship by General Primo de Rivera, who had acted with the approval of King Alfonso XIII, elections were held in June, 1931, for a constituent assembly. The election returns brought in a republican-socialist majority, which forbade the king’s return, confiscated his property, and proclaimed Spain a republic. The republic had enemies on both the right and the left. The large landholders, the army, and the Church had vested interests which the republic proceeded to attack. On the left, the anarchists and socialists became more /radical, competing for the loyalty of the Spanish workers. The republic’s problems were compounded by the traditional separatist movements of Catalans, Basques, and Gallegans. Power shifted from the left in 1931 to the right in 1933, and, finally, in February, 1936, to a “popular front “government. The Popular Front, however, proved to be a coalition for election purposes only. Largo Caballero, the leader of the left wing of the socialists, declined to serve in the moderate Azaña cabinet. In July, 1936, army, monarchist, clerical, and Carlist groups joined with the Falange to bring about a counter-revolutionary coup under the leadership of General Francisco Franco. The Civil War had started. It was to last for three brutality-filled years.

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