scholarly journals Aturan dan Mekanisme Perlindungan terhadap Dampak Liberalisasi Perdagangan untuk Siapa ?

2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Budiman Hutabarat ◽  
Bambang Rahmanto

<strong>English</strong><br />Indonesia and most developing countries (DGCs) are very enthusiastic to be part of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in a hope that free and fair trade could materialize and bring an improvement to their economies in the near future. Recognizing the fragile of their agricultural sectors and general economies, the WTO actually confers some provisions to DGCs in their transition to more open economies. But until the time of the Special Safeguard Mechanism (SSM) and Special Product (SP) introduction in July 2004, these provisions are hardly used by the DGCs for many reasons, which further provoke the DGCs to call for the SSM and SP provisions.  As the SSM and SP facilities are already in existence, Indonesia and the G-33 should not leave these facilities as blank cheque that only to be written by ineligible party. They have to be active to formulate modalities and rules for the SSM implementation.<br /><br /><br /><strong>Indonesian</strong><br />Indonesia dan pada umumnya negara berkembang (NB) sangat bersemangat dalam perundingan Organisasi Perdagangan Dunia (OPD) dengan harapan bahwa di masa datang perdagangan bebas dan adil dapat terwujud dan memberi manfaat bagi perekonomian negara bersangkutan di masa depan.  Sebenarnya OPD telah menyadari akan rapuhnya sektor pertanian dan ekonomi negara berkembang ini dalam menghadapi liberalisasi perekonomian dunia, sehingga mereka diberikan pengecualian-pengecualian penerapan beberapa aturan OPD. Namun, sampai saat diperkenalkannya Mekanisme Perlindungan Khusus (MPK) dan Produk Khusus (PK) pada Juli 2004, pengecualian-pengecialian itu tidak dapat dilaksanakan NB sendiri karena berbagai alasan, yang mendorong mereka menuntut adanya fasilitas baru, yakni MPK dan PK. Dengan telah tersedianya fasilitas MPK dan PK ini, Indonesia dan K-33 seyogianya tidak membiarkannya sebagai cek kosong yang hanya akan ditulis oleh pihak yang tidak berhak. Indonesia dan K-33 harus aktif merumuskan modalitas dan aturan pelaksanaan MPK.

2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Ruzita Mohd. Amin

The World Trade Organization (WTO), established on 1 January 1995 as a successor to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), has played an important role in promoting global free trade. The implementation of its agreements, however, has not been smooth and easy. In fact this has been particularly difficult for developing countries, since they are expected to be on a level playing field with the developed countries. After more than a decade of existence, it is worth looking at the WTO’s impact on developing countries, particularly Muslim countries. This paper focuses mainly on the performance of merchandise trade of Muslim countries after they joined the WTO. I first analyze their participation in world merchandise trade and highlight their trade characteristics in general. This is then followed by a short discussion on the implications of WTO agreements on Muslim countries and some recommendations on how to face this challenge.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-416
Author(s):  
Andrew D Mitchell ◽  
Neha Mishra

Abstract While the free cross-border movement of data is essential to many aspects of international trade, several countries have imposed restrictions on these data flows. The pre-internet rules of the World Trade Organization (`WTO') discipline some of these restrictions, but they are insufficient. Unfortunately, so are the electronic commerce chapters in modern preferential trade agreements. This article argues that reformed WTO rules, which take account of the policy challenges of the data-driven economy, are required. These reforms would facilitate internet openness while ensuring consumer and business trust, promoting digital inclusion of developing countries, and incorporating clear exceptions for legitimate domestic policies.


Author(s):  
RamMohan R. Yallapragada ◽  
Ron M. Sardessai ◽  
Madhu R. Paruchuri

In July 2004, 147 World Trade Organization (WTO) member countries met in Geneva where the developed countries agreed to cut back and eventually eliminate an estimated $350 billion of their farm and export subsidies. The accord was hammered out by five WTO members including India and Brazil and submitted to the WTOs plenary session where it was finally ratified on July 31, 2004. The Fifth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization held in Cancun in September 2003 collapsed from inside as internal squabbles and irreconcilable philosophical differences developed between the developed countries and the developing countries. The WTO, which started with noble objectives of raising the global standards of living through international trade agreements and cooperation among the WTO member countries, appeared to be teetering on the verge of a complete collapse. Over the past decade, through five ministerial conferences, the WTO member countries gradually got polarized into two main blocks, the haves and the have nots, the developed countries and the still developing countries respectively. One of the important items of contention was the issue of reduction and elimination of the huge farm subsidies in the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). At the 2003 WTO conference in Cancun, 21 of the developing countries formed a group, known as G-21 initiated under the leadership of Brazil and India, and insisted on discussions for elimination of the farm subsidies of the EU-US combine. The EU and US governments give billions of dollars worth of agricultural and export subsidies annually to their farmers that allow them to have a competitive advantage in international markets in effect preventing agricultural producers in developing countries from having access to global markets. The EU delegates insisted that the four Singapore issues must be dealt with first before including any discussions on the issues of farm subsidies on the agenda. The G-21 over night swelled into G-70. The developing countries refused to be pushed into a corner and have proved that they are now a force to reckon with. The WTO Cancun conference came to a dramatic end without any agreement, leaving the negotiations in a deadlock. At the historic July 2004 WTO negotiations in Geneva, an accord has been reached under which the developed countries agreed to reduce and eventually eliminate their export and farm subsidies. The developing countries also agreed to lower their tariffs on imports from EU-US and other developed countries. The accord is expected to pave the way for the resumption of the WTO Doha Round of multilateral negotiations to liberalize world trade.


2009 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 395-409
Author(s):  
HANS MAHNCKE

Globalization, as evidenced in increased trade, economic development, and the emergence of new global powers, has meant that the world economy has undergone significant changes over the past two decades. The World Trade Organization (WTO) is more than a potent representation of these developments, it is often seen, along with its predecessor, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), as having enabled the process of globalization. However, there are profound concerns about what lies ahead in an increasingly complex economic and regulatory setting, in particular for developing countries (DCs).


2004 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 95-111
Author(s):  
Jose L. Tongzon

The World Trade Organization (WTO) (formerly GATT) was established primarily to achieve free trade across the globe based on the principle of non-discrimination and the process of multilateral trade negotiations. The fact that most countries are members of WTO reflects the worldwide belief in the benefits of a global free trade. Despite its achievements since the first round of multilateral trade negotiations was held, the effectiveness of the process has been called into question. Most WTO members are now proposing new regional trading arrangements (RTAs), such as free trade agreements (FTAs). What implication does these RTAs have for the WTO and ASEAN countries? Should ASEAN countries give regionalism priority over the WTO-based multilateral approach? To answer this questions, this paper will first summarize the motivations behind the formation of RTAs before presenting the merits and demerits of RTAs as an approach to achieve universal free trade and maximize developing countries' welfare. It is argued that despite its inherent limitations it is important for ASEAN countries to remain primarily committed to the principles of WTO and the process of multilateral trade negotiations.


Con-texto ◽  
2015 ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Kevin J. Fandl

<p>This article brings to the attention of those public servants involved in the design and negotiation of free trade agreements between the United States and developing countries, such as Colombia, the potential benefits and drawbacks of negotiating in a bilateral forum. Rather than critiquing the free trade agreement for its particular provisions, this article examines the U.S. policy of negotiating bilaterally with developing countries as opposed to multilaterally in the world trade system and what effects such an approach might have on the economic development of the latter. Using an incremental policy analysis, the article critiques the bilateral approach in terms of economic development and fair trade negotiations using the recent Colombia-U.S. trade agreement as a case study. The article concludes that a bilateral approach that is disconnected from a broader multilateral context may be detrimental to developing countries and recommends increased oversight of such agreements by the World Trade Organization to ensure a higher degree of fairness.</p>


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