scholarly journals Variation in Leaf Nutrient Concentrations of Freeman Maple Resulting from Canopy Position, Leaf Age, and Petiole Inclusion

HortScience ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 428-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael V. Mickelbart

Consistent evaluation of nursery crop nutrient status within and among plots and years requires careful consideration of leaf collection practices. The objectives of this study were to determine the differences and variability among leaf age and cardinal position within the tree. Another objective was to determine if petioles should be included in leaf samples. Leaves were collected from seven trees of the Freeman maple (red–silver maple hybrid) Celebration® (Acer ×freemanii) from two leaf ages (early- and late-season leaves) and four positions (north, south, east, and west). On the south side of each tree, samples were separated into lamina, petiole, or lamina + petiole samples. Leaf traits were not different among positions, except that leaves on the north side of the tree had a lower specific leaf weight (SLW). Leaf nitrogen (N) was slightly lower on the north and west sides of the tree and leaf calcium (Ca) was highest on the south side of the tree, but otherwise position (i.e., side of the tree) had very little effect on leaf nutrient concentrations. Older leaves (leaves produced early in the season) were darker green and had a higher leaf area, longer petiole length, and lower SLW. Older leaves also had higher concentrations (on a mass basis) of all nutrients analyzed. Petiole concentrations of Ca, magnesium, and manganese were higher than lamina concentrations, whereas concentrations of N, sulfur, iron, zinc, boron, copper, and aluminum were all higher in the lamina. These differences, however, did not affect nutrient analyses conducted on samples consisting of lamina + petiole or lamina only. Variation within samples was lowest on the east and south sides for macro- and micronutrients, respectively, in late-season leaves. Based on the relative variation within samples, samples for nutrient analysis of red maple and red maple hybrids should consist of leaves collected from the southeast side of the tree and can consist of samples with or without petioles attached to the lamina.

1927 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 438-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Thurlow Leeds

At the end of April of last year the Rev. Charles Overy drew my attention to the presence of broken animal bones, flints, and sherds of pottery in a gravel-pit on the south side of the road from Abingdon to Radley, about a mile out of Abingdon (fig. 1).The pit lies on the very boundary of the parish of Abingdon in a field at about 200 ft. O.D., just over half a mile north of the Thames and some 30 ft. above the river. On its eastern and southern sides it is bounded by the wide trenches which in the days of the splendour of Abingdon Abbey formed part of the Abbey's fish-ponds ; on the north is the road, and on the east the ground drops to a little brook.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mayra R. Tocto-Erazo ◽  
Daniel Olmos-Liceaga ◽  
José A. Montoya

AbstractThe human movement plays an important rol in the spread of infectious diseases. On an urban scale, people move daily to workplaces, schools, among others. Here, we are interested in exploring the effect of the daily local stay on the variations of some characteristics of dengue dynamics such as the transmission rates and local basic reproductive numbers. For this, we use a two-patch mathematical model that explicitly considers that daily mobility of people and real data from the 2010 dengue outbreak in Hermosillo, Mexico. Based on a preliminary cluster analysis, we divide the city into two regions, the south and north sides, which determine each patch of the model. We use a Bayesian approach to estimate the transmission rates and local basic reproductive numbers of some urban mobility scenarios where residents of each patch spend daily the 100% (no human movement between patches), 75% and 50% of their day at their place of residence. For the north side, estimates of transmission rates do not vary and it is more likely that the local basic reproductive number to be greater than one for all three different scenarios. On the contrary, tranmission rates of the south side have more weight in lower values when consider the human movement between patches compared to the uncoupled case. In fact, local basic reproductive numbers less than 1 are not negligible for the south side. If information about commuting is known, this work might be useful to obtain better estimates of some contagion local properties of a patch, such as the basic reproductive number.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Mine Kuset Bolkaner ◽  
Selda İnançoğlu ◽  
Buket Asilsoy

Urban furniture can be defined as aesthetics and comfort elements that reflect the identity of a city and enable the urban space to become livable. Urban furniture is an important element of the city in order to improve the quality of urban life, to create a comfortable and reliable environment and to meet the needs of the users in the best way. For designing these elements, the social, economic, cultural and architectural structure of the city should be considered and evaluated. It is important to adapt the urban furniture to the urban texture and to the cultural structure achieving an urban identity, in order to ensure the survival and sustainability of the historical environments. In this study, a study was carried out in the context of urban furniture in Nicosia Walled City, which has many architectural cultures with its historical texture. In this context, firstly the concept of urban identity and urban furniture was explained and then, information about urban furniture was given in historical circles with urban furniture samples from different countries. As a field study, a main axis was determined and the streets and squares on this axis were discussed. These areas have been explored starting from Kyrenia Gate in North Nicosia; İnönü Square, Girne Street, Atatürk Square, Arasta Square, Lokmacı Barricade and on the south side Ledra Street and Eleftherias Square. In this context, the existing furniture in the North and South were determined and evaluated in terms of urban identity accordingly. As a result, it can be suggested that the existing street furniture equipments, especially on the north side, do not have any characteristic to emphasize the urban identity. According to the findings, it was determined that the urban furniture in the streets and squares on the north side is generally older and neglected, and does not provide a unity with the environment, whereas on the south side, these elements on the street and square are relatively new, functional and environmentally compatible.Key words: urban furniture, historical environment, urban identity, Nicosia Old City


1906 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 415-430
Author(s):  
Ramsay Traquair

In plan the walls surrounding the Acropolis of Sparta form an irregular oblong, terminated to the east and west by two small hills which formed citadels or outlook points. Though no single complete part remains, and in many places the walls are levelled to the ground, the lines can still be traced fairly completely. (Plate VIII. 3.)At the south eastern corner are the ruins of a Roman Stoa of the Imperial period (A). They shew a series of small compartments (Fig. 1), covered with barrel vaults, ten on either side of three larger central rooms, which are roofed with crossgroined vaults and large semicircular niches at the back. The ground on the north side is as high as the vaults and originally must have formed a terrace overlooking the street on to which the Stoa opened on its south side.


The chief circumstance that induced Capt. Flinders to think his observations Upon the marine barometer were worthy of attention, was the coincidence that took place between the rising and falling of the mercury, and the setting in of winds that blew from the sea and from off the land, to which there seemed to be at least as much reference as to the strength of the wind or the state of the atmosphere. Our author’s examination of the coasts of New Holland and the other parts of the Terra Australis, began at Cape Leuwen, and con­tinued eastward along the south coast. His observations, which, on account of their length, we must pass over, show, that a change of wind from the northern half of the compass to any point in the southern half, caused the mercury to rise; and that a contrary change caused it to fall. Also, that the mercury stood considerably higher When the wind came from the south side of east and west, than when, in similar weather, it came from the north side.


1971 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. J. Wainwright ◽  
J. G. Evans ◽  
I. H. Longworth

SummaryExcavations in 1969 within a 35-acre enclosure at Marden on the north bank of the River Avon in the Vale of Pewsey confirmed its association with the Grooved Ware ceramic style and its superficial resemblances to the Durrington Walls enclosure ten miles downstream. A survey of the enclosure produced an unusual plan bounded by a bank with an internal ditch and on the south side by the River Avon itself, whilst the position of the Hatfield Barrow was established by geophysical means. Within the north-entrance causeway a small circular timber structure was recorded in a comparable position to the much larger building at Durrington Walls.


1976 ◽  
Vol 71 ◽  
pp. 117-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan H. Musgrave ◽  
Hugh Sackett

During the summer of 1975 several rescue excavations at building sites in the Knossos area were undertaken by the British School, at the request of the Heraklion ephorate of antiquities. In the two areas investigated, Protogeometric or Geometric tombs and tomb deposits were found. The krater published here comes from one of these, and was found in a partly destroyed chamber tomb at Tekke (now Ambelokipi) about one kilometre to the north of Knossos. The site is near the Tekke crossroads, no more than 15 metres from the main Knossos to Heraklion road, on the south side of the minor road, and in the property of A. Kiladhi, plan FIG. 1. The tombs or pottery deposits labelled A to D on this plan, though productive, were in most cases disturbed, and need further study before publication is possible; we are here concerned only with Tomb E.


1953 ◽  
Vol 48 ◽  
pp. 19-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. B. Wace ◽  
M. R. Holland ◽  
M. S. F. Hood ◽  
A. G. Woodhead

In 1892 Tsountas in the course of exploration on the top of the ridge between the ‘Tomb of Clytemnestra’ and the Lion Gate found a painted circular cap of poros (o·61 m. in diameter), which from the cuttings in it clearly seems to have been connected with some form of installation for water (Plate 14, b). It bears an inscription which as restored refers to Perseus. This inscribed cap Tsountas says he found among later ruins, but he did not specify the exact position. In 1922 therefore we investigated the ruins of apparently Hellenistic date which lie directly to the south of the modern carriage road on the top of the ridge to the north of the ‘Tomb of Clytemnestra’. A long terrace wall of ashlar work in poros was found running in an east-west direction along the south side of the modern road. In front of it, against its north side, lie two cement-lined basins (Plate 14, a). When these were first found and partially examined in 1922 it was suggested that they might be part of a gymnasium of Hellenistic date. At the same time a trial trench XIa by side of the steps was dug down about 0·25 m. into the soft rock below. In 1939 further trials were made behind (to the south of) the western part of the main terrace wall. Trench VII, which was dug to rock, was part of this work. At the same time the curved wall was exposed and part of the ‘votive deposit’ was excavated. The pottery then found, which was lost in the Nauplia Museum during the war, was of the same character as that found in 1952 and described below. In 1952, as part of the programme of exploration on the top and sides of the ridge which runs westward from the Lion Gate, it was decided to clear these ruins completely and study and plan them afresh.


1806 ◽  
Vol 96 ◽  
pp. 342-347 ◽  

1. The irregular oval line, delineated on the annexed map (Plate XIV.) shows nearly the inner edge of a limestone bason, in which all the strata of coal and iron ore (commonly called Iron Stone) in South Wales are deposited; the length of this bason is upwards of 100 miles, and the average breadth in the counties of Monmouth, Glamorgan, Carmarthen, and part of Brecon, is from 18 to 20 miles, and in Pembrokeshire only from 3 to 5 miles. 2. On the north side of a line, that may be drawn in an east and west direction, ranging nearly through the middle of this bason, all the strata rise gradually northward; and on the south side of this line they rise southward, till they come to the surface, except at the east end, which is in the vicinity of Pontipool, where they rise eastward.


1979 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 97-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
William A. P. Childs
Keyword(s):  

The Inscribed Pillar of Xanthos is the most elaborate example of the Lycian pillar tombs. It is important for its reliefs preserved in London and Istanbul but particularly for the long historical inscription in Lycian which covers the south, east, and half of the north side of the pillar shaft. This is followed on the north side by a Greek epigram and a moderately long inscription on the remainder of the north and the whole west side in Lycian B or Milyan. The date of the pillar is generally placed around 400 B.C. This is based on the style of the reliefs of the upper burial chamber and on the analysis of the historical inscription.The name of the author of the pillar appeared three times in the inscriptions – twice in the Lycian historical inscription (south side or a lines 1 and 29/30) and once in the Greek epigram (north side or c line 24, epigram line 5). Yet in the Lycian the name is missing entirely in both cases and in the Greek only the last two letters are preserved: [ … ]ις. The fact that he is called in the Lycian and Greek the son of Harpagos does not help identify him because this Harpagos is otherwise known only from two inscriptions, one still unpublished. Recently it has been argued by Laroche that the author of the inscription cannot be the formerly favoured Kherẽi (χerẽi) because the space for the name must have contained six letters. Bousquet has also shown that a plausible restoration of the name of the author of the inscription in the Greek epigram is [Gerg]is, the Greek equivalent of Kheriga (χeriga).


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