scholarly journals Television, Rituals, Struggle for Public Memory in Serbia during 1990s

2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 145-169
Author(s):  
Ildiko Erdei

The aim of the paper is to point to the the role of television (mainly state owned and controlled) and ritual actions, in creating and distributing messages concerning important social and political events during the 1990s. The main argument is that the urban street political protest actions that were performed by the political and social opponents of the ruling regime, mainly in Belgrade streets and squares, were a logical outcome of the regime’s media policy, and closely dependent on it. The aim of that policy was to silence the opposing voices and make them invisible, but also to avoid speaking about events that might threaten the image of the ruling regime as tolerant, peaceful and patriotic, the examples of which were information on war crimes, and devastations of Vukovar, Dubrovnik and Sarajevo. Political protests and ritual actions have created a place where these issues could safely be spoken out, thus creating an emerging public counter sphere. Instead of considering media and rituals as separated ways of communication, it will be showed how in particular social and political context in Serbia during 1990s, television and rituals have reached a point of mutual constitution and articulation.

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Ciprian Beniamin Benea ◽  
Adina Secară OniĹŁa

With 2857 km in length, the quiet Danube quietly tells Europe’s history. We only must be aware of its story. Since ancient times it was connected with empires, expansion, and navigation. The Romans fully understood its role, and proceeded accordingly. They made it their border, but used it for transporting goods and military, too. After the Dark Ages, all European affairs have been in one way or another connected and influenced by the Danube. Romania’s modern history was influenced by the evolution of international problems connected to this river. The Moldavia and Wallachia 1859’s unification in a single state – Romania – had lot to do with the Danube and it was involved in London’s interests in the Oriental Question. The paper presents shortly the way the legal framework regarding the Danube was developed, and what was Romania’s role in facilitating navigation on the Danube. The main data which inspired this work – regarding both the political-legal aspects, and the technical solutions used to facilitate navigation on Danube – are based on earlier writings and studies of Romanian thinkers such as Antipa, Baicoianu, Dascovici and Gogeanu. The evolution of these aspects has a direct or an indirect connection with the evolution of political events and the economic development in all European states, but their importance is crucial especially for those countries which are located in the Danube’s basin. The main text regarding the political aspects related to the Danube is the Belgrade Convention, which has been the general framework under which riparian countries come together to collaborate and to solve the technical impediments for navigation, such as those imposed by the building of the Iron Gate System. At the same time, this paper signals the role of education in understanding the Danube’s role for riparian countries, and for their possible evolution in connection with this river.


Politics ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-153
Author(s):  
David S Moon

This article draws out the significant similarities between the political insurgencies of Jesse Ventura in 1999 and Donald Trump in 2016, charting their own premillennial political collaborations as members of the Reform Party, before identifying wider lessons for studies of contemporary celebrity politicians through a comparison of their individual campaigns. Its analysis is based upon the concept of the ‘politainer’, introduced by Conley and Schultz, into which it incorporates Mikhail Bakhtin’s conception of the carnival fool. The heterodox nature of both Ventura and Trump’s political campaign styles, it argues, is in part explained by the nature of the cultural spheres within which their public personas were produced; specifically, the fact that these personas, which they carried over from the entertainment to political spheres, were produced within genres of popular culture generally positioned as having ‘low’ cultural value. This, it argues, furnished both with an anti-establishment ethos as ‘no bullshit’ straight-talkers, marking them as outsider candidates able to act as conduits for political protest by an electorate alienated from mainstream political elites. It concludes by emphasising the potential importance that political celebrities’ specific cultural production can play in shaping a subsequent political campaign in general.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Mirza Satria Buana

The establishment of the Indonesian Constitutional Court in 2003 signified the formation of a bridge between the judiciary and politics. Through its judicial review process, there is a more tangible presence of the judiciary and court in the political arena. The Court helps with addressing moral predicaments and influencing the products of the legislature. This paper discusses the shifting of the legal-politico paradigm, particularly relating to judicial leadership of the Court because this significantly affects the role of the Court in the political arena. The history of the establishment of the Court’s authority in judicial review is explored through a stylised analysis of the actions of two early Chief Justices. This paper also examines two Court decisions which illustrated the Court’s authority on judicial review because they demonstrated the importance of policy-driven decisions and judicial restraint. The main argument of this work is that it is hard to categorize the legal-politico actions of the Indonesian Court into either legalism or instrumentalism. Often, the Court synthesises the two. The legal-politico paradigm is a dynamic one. The most feasible model of the Indonesian Constitutional Court is that of a Principled Instrumentalist Court, where policy decisions guide the formation of legislation according to constitutional values, but the judges maintain prudential self-restraint.


Author(s):  
D.O. Gordienko ◽  

The article presents the results of a study devoted to the history of the British armed forces in the “long” 17th century. The militia was the backbone of England's national military system. The author examines the aspects of the development of the institutions of the modern state during the reign of the Stuart dynasty, traces the process of the development of the militia and the formation of the regular army. He reveals the role of the militia in the political events of the Century of Revolutions: the reign of Charles I, the Wars of the Three Kingdoms, the Restoration age, the Glorious Revolution, and also gives a retrospective review of the eventsof the 18th century.


2017 ◽  
Vol 137 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 31-67
Author(s):  
Christian Berker

After the “institutional turn” economists are now in a lively debate about the role of institutions for growth as well as the sources of institutional change. This paper discusses institutional change in Prussia in the 17th and 18th century. It shows the importance of the geopolitical context for understanding institutional change. Using three political events, the paper combines geographical, institutional and political arguments and highlights how context-sensitive institutional change can be. Prussia’s institutional change was heavily influenced by its many direct neighbours and the political necessities of that time. Therefore, time and space (location) are highly relevant for institutional change. JEL Codes: N13, O43


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 174-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy J. Ryan ◽  
Matthew S. Wells ◽  
Brice D. L. Acree

AbstractRecent scholarship in political science identifies emotions as an important antecedent to political behavior. Existing work, however, has focused much more on the political effects of emotions than on their causes. Here, we begin to examine how personality moderates emotional responses to political events. We hypothesized that the personality trait need for affect (NFA) would moderate the emotions evoked by disturbing political news. Drawing data from a survey experiment conducted on a national sample, we find that individuals high in NFA have an especially vivid emotional response to disturbing news—a moderating relationship that has the potential to surpass those associated with symbolic attachments.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-45
Author(s):  
Shokrollah Kamari Majin

What has been less visible to observers over more than Iran’s thirty years political events or, in other words, what was actually formed the motivation power of government system after the 1979 revolution, was located under the shadow of a vast tree of religion, is a kind of xenophobia and, in its particular form, is anti-Western. It can be argued that the contents, capacity and role of this religion without any “anti-Western” anticipation were useless and deficient to the Iranian Shiite rulers. The basis of the discussion in this article is the context in which a kind of anti-modernization grew from within and became the dominant discourse of society headed by traditional clergy. What is being discussed in this article is to fingers on the main stimulus and the central tool of production of legitimacy, and its role and application in conjunction with the political ideology of rule in Iran. In this regard, the present article seeks to explain how this primary stimulus has evolved and how it is used as a political tool but in the form of ideology.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inna Tsinman

This project examines the political phenomenon of the acceptance of Israeli Russian Jews claiming refugee status in Canada. The paper examines this phenomenon by unravelling the role of human rights in Canadian nation building, the Immigration and Refugee Board's (IRB) member-appointment process and the use of the IRB as a tool for enhancing Canada's image as human rights promoter, and Canadian foreign policy towards Israel. The main argument of this paper is that the reason for the acceptance of Israeli refugee claims is that some IRB members hold an agenda on promoting human rights. This project is based on the examination of academic literature, media articles, IRB and Federal Court decisions, and interviews with a variety of stakeholders.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inna Tsinman

This project examines the political phenomenon of the acceptance of Israeli Russian Jews claiming refugee status in Canada. The paper examines this phenomenon by unravelling the role of human rights in Canadian nation building, the Immigration and Refugee Board's (IRB) member-appointment process and the use of the IRB as a tool for enhancing Canada's image as human rights promoter, and Canadian foreign policy towards Israel. The main argument of this paper is that the reason for the acceptance of Israeli refugee claims is that some IRB members hold an agenda on promoting human rights. This project is based on the examination of academic literature, media articles, IRB and Federal Court decisions, and interviews with a variety of stakeholders.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-88
Author(s):  
E. S. Dabagyan

This article is a political portrait of an extraordinary personality, the President of Nicaragua Daniel Ortega, who has travelled a long and very thorny path of transformation from a frantic fighter against a dictatorial regime to a man who actually became the country’s president for life. The author presents the methods by which Ortega achieved power and thereby ensured his political longevity. The author pays special attention to the role of Rosario Murillo, the politician’s wife, whose importance is growing in the internal political life of the state. The article provides an overview of the political history of the country in recent decades, the author also presents the peculiarities of Ortega’s biography and professional development. The author examines the stages of the party struggle in Nicaragua and the role of Ortega in this process. The author analyzes in detail the opinions of various experts regarding political events that took place in Nicaragua. The author traces and analyzes the main trends in economic development of Nicaragua, including cooperation with the Russian Federation. The author notes the role of Nicaragua in assisting the Russian Federation on the international arena. The author emphasizes the diversity of the spheres in which cooperation and interaction of the two countries is carried out.


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