scholarly journals DANUBE AND THE FACILITATION OF NAVIGATION ON DANUBE

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Ciprian Beniamin Benea ◽  
Adina Secară OniĹŁa

With 2857 km in length, the quiet Danube quietly tells Europe’s history. We only must be aware of its story. Since ancient times it was connected with empires, expansion, and navigation. The Romans fully understood its role, and proceeded accordingly. They made it their border, but used it for transporting goods and military, too. After the Dark Ages, all European affairs have been in one way or another connected and influenced by the Danube. Romania’s modern history was influenced by the evolution of international problems connected to this river. The Moldavia and Wallachia 1859’s unification in a single state – Romania – had lot to do with the Danube and it was involved in London’s interests in the Oriental Question. The paper presents shortly the way the legal framework regarding the Danube was developed, and what was Romania’s role in facilitating navigation on the Danube. The main data which inspired this work – regarding both the political-legal aspects, and the technical solutions used to facilitate navigation on Danube – are based on earlier writings and studies of Romanian thinkers such as Antipa, Baicoianu, Dascovici and Gogeanu. The evolution of these aspects has a direct or an indirect connection with the evolution of political events and the economic development in all European states, but their importance is crucial especially for those countries which are located in the Danube’s basin. The main text regarding the political aspects related to the Danube is the Belgrade Convention, which has been the general framework under which riparian countries come together to collaborate and to solve the technical impediments for navigation, such as those imposed by the building of the Iron Gate System. At the same time, this paper signals the role of education in understanding the Danube’s role for riparian countries, and for their possible evolution in connection with this river.

2021 ◽  
pp. 89-95
Author(s):  
Oksana Stasevska ◽  
Illia Malanchuk

Problem setting. The study of the potential of cultural diplomacy has been growing rapidly in recent times. This is due to the realization of the failures of traditional and «force» diplomacy, which often demonstrate the inability to ensure the successful solution of important international problems. Researchers note the need to use cultural diplomacy to intensify and increase the effectiveness of international cooperation. Target of research. Understanding the actualization of cultural diplomacy of Ukraine in the modern world, an attempt to analyze its legal basis. Analysis of resent researches and publications. The concep «cultural diplomacy» is more common in scientific discourse. Scientists such as D. Vedeneev, V. Kostrov, T. Peresunko, N. Musienko, V. Tsyvaty, M. Kulinich, O. Rozumna, and others have contributed to the development of the role of cultural diplomacy in the foreign policy vector of the Ukraine. Political science works predominate among the researches. Few works analyze the legal aspects of cultural diplomacy. Article’s main body. In the context of globalization there is a loss of national origins. Therefore, states must use all their potential to preserve and enhance their own and the world’s cultural heritage, mutual understanding and support of interethnic harmony. International legal thought defines the concept of «diplomacy» in different ways, sometimes identifying it with international law or foreign policy. However, diplomacy is one of the most important tools of foreign policy, along with its components such as the armed forces, intelligence, economic ties, and so on. Cultural diplomacy is a type of diplomacy that uses the country’s cultural heritage as a means to an end. The role of cultural potential in international relations is highly valued. It is cultural diplomacy, not the use of force to impose political, ideological ideas, which aims to unite countries. Ukraine is returning to the active use of cultural diplomacy tools in the XXI century, when there was an urgent need for broad international support for the implementation of ambitious European integration plans. The system of coordination, stimulation and organization of cultural activities at the international level allows identifying the tasks of cultural diplomacy of Ukraine. Ukrainian cultural diplomacy based on international legal instruments ratified by Ukraine and acts of national legislation. The analysis of the problem allows determining the urgent task of creating a favorable legislative framework for the maximum effectiveness of cultural diplomacy. Conclusions and prospects for the development. The filling of legal gaps in cultural diplomacy should take place in the vector of recognition of culture as a subject of foreign policy, awareness of its reputational and social potential. Ukraine faces the task of updating old and finding new cultural images and symbols to create a decent image of the country, as well as to create an appropriate legal framework for the effective implementation of the tasks of cultural diplomacy.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kurdistan Saeed

This study deals with the political parties’ pluralism in Iraq under the Parties Law No. 36 of 2015. The importance of the study lies in the fact that it looks at a topic that is at the heart of democracy and it is necessary for the success of any democratic processes. The study focuses on parties’ pluralism in Iraq since the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1921 until the end of the Baath Party regime in 2003, it also covers the period after 2003 and pays particular attention to the Parties Law No. 36 of 2015. It focuses on the legal framework of political parties after the adoption of the Political Parties Law and studies the impact of this law on parties’ pluralism in Iraq after its approval in 2015. The study concludes that Law No. 36 of 2015 is incapable of regulating parties’ pluralism for reasons including: the lack of commitment by the political parties to the provisions of the law, the inability of the Parties Affairs Department to take measures against parties that violate the law the absence of a strong political opposition that enhances the role of political parties, the association of most Iraqi parties with foreign agendas belonging to neighboring countries, and the fact that the majority of Iraqi parties express ethnic or sectarian orientations at the expense of national identity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kairat Atabekov ◽  
Gavriil Kostenko

The article provides an overview of certain technical solutions, used in different countries for crime prevention along with the basic legal framework. The authors mentioned various approaches to the criminological policy; summarized certain basic theoretical concepts developed within the last centuries, such as neo-biological, critical criminological and everyday theory. Discussing modern criminological situation at the international level, the authors stressed the importance of the international cooperation in the field of crime prediction, crime prevention, and crime investigation. Referring to the topic of governmental institutions responsible for the criminological policies, the authors examined the situation in different countries to compare different legislative systems.


Author(s):  
D.O. Gordienko ◽  

The article presents the results of a study devoted to the history of the British armed forces in the “long” 17th century. The militia was the backbone of England's national military system. The author examines the aspects of the development of the institutions of the modern state during the reign of the Stuart dynasty, traces the process of the development of the militia and the formation of the regular army. He reveals the role of the militia in the political events of the Century of Revolutions: the reign of Charles I, the Wars of the Three Kingdoms, the Restoration age, the Glorious Revolution, and also gives a retrospective review of the eventsof the 18th century.


2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 145-169
Author(s):  
Ildiko Erdei

The aim of the paper is to point to the the role of television (mainly state owned and controlled) and ritual actions, in creating and distributing messages concerning important social and political events during the 1990s. The main argument is that the urban street political protest actions that were performed by the political and social opponents of the ruling regime, mainly in Belgrade streets and squares, were a logical outcome of the regime’s media policy, and closely dependent on it. The aim of that policy was to silence the opposing voices and make them invisible, but also to avoid speaking about events that might threaten the image of the ruling regime as tolerant, peaceful and patriotic, the examples of which were information on war crimes, and devastations of Vukovar, Dubrovnik and Sarajevo. Political protests and ritual actions have created a place where these issues could safely be spoken out, thus creating an emerging public counter sphere. Instead of considering media and rituals as separated ways of communication, it will be showed how in particular social and political context in Serbia during 1990s, television and rituals have reached a point of mutual constitution and articulation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 137 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 31-67
Author(s):  
Christian Berker

After the “institutional turn” economists are now in a lively debate about the role of institutions for growth as well as the sources of institutional change. This paper discusses institutional change in Prussia in the 17th and 18th century. It shows the importance of the geopolitical context for understanding institutional change. Using three political events, the paper combines geographical, institutional and political arguments and highlights how context-sensitive institutional change can be. Prussia’s institutional change was heavily influenced by its many direct neighbours and the political necessities of that time. Therefore, time and space (location) are highly relevant for institutional change. JEL Codes: N13, O43


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 92-124
Author(s):  
Astrid Meier

Abstract The aim of this article is to highlight the political uses of the legal concept of waqf in a confrontation between an Orthodox and a Catholic institution during the initial phase of the schism within the Church of Antioch. The Monastery of St Catherine at Mount Sinai confronted the hospice of the Franciscans in the court of the Chief Judge of the province of Damascus in 1145/1733. The legal aspects of the lawsuit are an interesting example of the use of the Ottoman judiciary by non-Muslims, but in order to understand the political implications of the case, it needs to be analysed in the broader context of the religious and political tensions of the time. Therefore, a sketch of the history of both monasteries and their endowments is supplemented with a chapter on the role of Sylvestros, Patriarch of Antioch, in Damascus and an examination of the French and Spanish interests within this Ottoman context.


2013 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 619-641
Author(s):  
Nariné Ghazaryan

Abstract The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) is inherently political in nature. The rationalistic considerations underpinning its launch and subsequent elaboration have necessarily influenced the choice of the legal framework. At the same time, the rules regulating the conduct of EU foreign policy had a reciprocal impact on policy choices made. The legislative and political developments following the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty and the regional split in the policy arguably injected new dynamics into the interaction between the political and legal aspects of the ENP. The chapter traces the relationship between the political objectives and the legal framework of the ENP through three phases of its existence, with a focus on the eastern neighbourhood, comprising Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova and the South Caucasus, as the addressee of the exclusionary rationale of the policy. First, the formulation and the elaboration of the initiative is revisited as the first phase of the existence of the policy. The second phase concerns the ‘Eastern Partnership’ initiative established as a result of the regional split within the policy. The third phase refers to the law and political objectives of the ENP as translated into Article 8 TEU.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 174-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy J. Ryan ◽  
Matthew S. Wells ◽  
Brice D. L. Acree

AbstractRecent scholarship in political science identifies emotions as an important antecedent to political behavior. Existing work, however, has focused much more on the political effects of emotions than on their causes. Here, we begin to examine how personality moderates emotional responses to political events. We hypothesized that the personality trait need for affect (NFA) would moderate the emotions evoked by disturbing political news. Drawing data from a survey experiment conducted on a national sample, we find that individuals high in NFA have an especially vivid emotional response to disturbing news—a moderating relationship that has the potential to surpass those associated with symbolic attachments.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-45
Author(s):  
Shokrollah Kamari Majin

What has been less visible to observers over more than Iran’s thirty years political events or, in other words, what was actually formed the motivation power of government system after the 1979 revolution, was located under the shadow of a vast tree of religion, is a kind of xenophobia and, in its particular form, is anti-Western. It can be argued that the contents, capacity and role of this religion without any “anti-Western” anticipation were useless and deficient to the Iranian Shiite rulers. The basis of the discussion in this article is the context in which a kind of anti-modernization grew from within and became the dominant discourse of society headed by traditional clergy. What is being discussed in this article is to fingers on the main stimulus and the central tool of production of legitimacy, and its role and application in conjunction with the political ideology of rule in Iran. In this regard, the present article seeks to explain how this primary stimulus has evolved and how it is used as a political tool but in the form of ideology.


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