Pressing Through in Hard Times: Civil Society, Public Goods Provision and the State in Post-War Sierra Leone

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fredline M'Cormack-Hale
2008 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Stovel

ABSTRACTGovernment and civil society leaders in African transitional states often use rituals and expressions inspired by tradition to facilitate the integration of ex-combatants and displaced people. In Sierra Leone, the expression ‘There's no bad bush to throw away a bad child’, conveys a vision of African society as inherently forgiving and inclusive, and of Africans as needing to be amongst their own people. This ideal was perfectly suited for the needs of an impoverished state seeking to ease the strain on cities, and relying on communities' organic capacities to absorb their own people. This research draws on interviews with diverse Sierra Leoneans to examine the assumptions behind this communitarian ideal. It argues that while ‘There is no bad bush … ’ promotes a form of reconciliation defined as peaceful coexistence, it lacks the elements of justice required for deep reconciliation to occur.


2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandro Rogari

The book delineates the emergence of a unitary state from the bedrock of a nation formed over centuries. It retraces the major advances in the integration between the state and civil society achieved in the first fifty years after unification, and the disastrous consequences wrought by the First World War and by Fascism. It underscores the way in which the post-war democratic revival rewound the virtuous process of construction of a state capable of expressing the Italian "plural nation". Despite this, it also stresses the way in which the ethical deterioration and the corruption of the political and administrative class that came to a head during the last twenty years of the twentieth century have again brought to the fore the problem of the construction of shared institutions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 533-553
Author(s):  
Fodei Batty ◽  
Fredline M’Cormack-Hale

Although the collective memory of war is frequently invoked in post-war societies, who chooses to invoke it and to what effect has been less studied relative to other aspects of such societies. In this article we employ a case study of Sierra Leone to address this deficit in the post-conflict scholarship by illustrating how the collective memory of that country’s civil war is appropriated by diverse actors in the post-war society. Drawing from field interviews, we present evidence showing how, and why, several societal groups constituted as distinct post-war identities such as victims-rights groups, former defenders of the state, or perpetrators of the violence during the Sierra Leone civil war articulate dissatisfactions with their livelihoods and the reactions of state officials to their demands. The article explains why, and how, successive governments have selectively suppressed the discontent of some groups over livelihood insecurities that are construed as threats to public order while ignoring violent protests from other groups over similar issues, in spite of a 1965 public order act restricting protests. Thus, the article argues that state officials in Sierra Leone have not demonstrated superior commitment to peacebuilding than societal groups that make demands on the state.


Asian Survey ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pradeep Chhibber ◽  
Sandeep Shastri ◽  
Richard Sisson

Current intellectual trends advocate devolution of authority from national governments to local governments and civil society, especially for the provision of public goods. This paper, based on a large national survey conducted in India, shows that most Indians still look to the state, and state governments in particular, to address the problems that they face.


2010 ◽  
Vol 109 (435) ◽  
pp. 251-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Fanthorpe ◽  
R. Maconachie
Keyword(s):  

2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-203
Author(s):  
Rüdiger Bergien

The impact of the Reichswehr's program of clandestine armament on Weimar Germany's civil society is a phenomenon largely overlooked by post-war historiography. Not only did it fail to identify the wide support enjoyed by the illegal preparations for a general mobilization on the national and local levels, but it also failed to address the question why the officials collaborated with the Reichswehr under the aegis of “national defense” at all. The reasons for both omissions are easy to find. While the role played by civilians within the militarization of society has been largely ignored (due to the historiographical dominance of the interpretation model of the army as an autonomous “state within the state”), the few authors who recognized its importance considered a more detailed analysis of civilian dispositions to be dispensable in view of the well-known nationwide anti-Versailles sentiment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 111 (5) ◽  
pp. 1575-1612
Author(s):  
Katherine Casey ◽  
Abou Bakarr Kamara ◽  
Niccoló F. Meriggi

Are ordinary citizens or political party leaders better positioned to select candidates? While the American primary system lets citizens choose, most democracies rely instead on party officials to appoint or nominate candidates. The consequences of these distinct design choices are unclear: while officials are often better informed about candidate qualifications, they may value traits, like party loyalty or willingness to pay for the nomination, at odds with identifying the best performer. We partnered with both major political parties in Sierra Leone to experimentally vary how much say voters have in selecting Parliamentary candidates. Estimates suggest that more democratic procedures increase the likelihood that parties select voters’ most preferred candidates and favor candidates with stronger records of public goods provision. (JEL D72, H41, O17)


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-46
Author(s):  
Katherine Casey ◽  
Rachel Glennerster ◽  
Edward Miguel ◽  
Maarten Voors

Abstract Where the state is weak, traditional authorities control the local provision of public goods. These leaders come from an older, less educated generation and often rule in an authoritarian and exclusionary fashion. This means the skills of community members may not be leveraged in policy making. We experimentally evaluate two solutions to this problem in Sierra Leone: one encourages delegation to higher skill individuals and a second fosters broader inclusion in decision-making. In a real-world infrastructure grants competition, a public nudge to delegate lead to better outcomes than the default of chiefly control, whereas attempts to boost participation were largely ineffective.


Author(s):  
Morten Bøås ◽  
Patrick Tom

This chapter discusses international peacebuilding and local agency in Sierra Leone, asking whether it is tactical or strategic. The peacebuilding and statebuilding in Sierra Leone have not made a genuine attempt to adjust to context. They still do not facilitate equal representation and rarely address structural constraints beyond political power-sharing. The chapter then gives the examples of organisations such as Fambul Tok and Hope Sierra Leone as agential and innovative local actors which have built extensive local–global networks more in sync with local realties and ideas and within the limits of the standards set by international actors. Sierra Leone's agency is thus both strategic and tactical: able to create spaces for locally driven peace initiatives yet disciplined by donors. International actors still refuse or fail to incorporate figures of authority on the ground, bypassing social configurations of power, including the state, preferring civil society and private sectors.


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