The Digital Divide in the Modern Megalopolis: Political Dimension

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (004) ◽  
pp. 80-95
Author(s):  
Andrey BARDIN
2015 ◽  
Vol 72 (9) ◽  
pp. 577-579
Author(s):  
Ulrich Otto ◽  
Silvan Tarnutzer ◽  
Marlene Brettenhofer
Keyword(s):  

Zusammenfassung. Der Nutzen von Telemedizinanwendungen für Ältere ist daran zu messen, inwieweit sie erhöhte Potenziale für eine selbstständige Lebensführung bei guter Lebensqualität ermöglichen können. Idealerweise ist dieser Nutzen am „Gesundheitsstandort Privathaushalt“ abrufbar, eingebettet in einem bedarfs- und bedürfnisgerechten Gesundheitssystem, in welchem sämtliche medizinischen und pflegerischen Prozesse integrativ miteinander vernetzt sind. Ergänzt werden muss dieses System durch verstärkte Koproduktion mit den PatientInnen selbst und deren Angehörigen. Um sich diesen Zielen zu nähern, braucht es ein Umdenken und die Bereitschaft aller AkteurInnen zu tiefgehenden Veränderungen. Medizinische Institutionen müssen sich als lernende Organisationen stärker an den PatientInnen und deren individuellen Bedarfen sowie an intersektoraler und interdisziplinärer Kooperation orientieren. In der Gesundheitspolitik ist es nötig, Verteilungs- und Gerechtigkeitsaspekte stärker zu gewichten. Dabei gilt es besonders, bildungsferneren Schichten und in ländlichen Regionen den Zugang zur Nutzung von Technologien zu erleichtern, um digital divide-Phänomene zu vermeiden. Der Einsatz neuer Gesundheitstechnologien muss deshalb durch flankierende Vorbereitungen und Begleitung durch schnell erreichbare AnsprechpartnerInnen beim Einsatz unterstützt werden. Hinzu kommen Anforderungen an Finanzierungsmodelle und erweiterte Krankenkassenleistungen.


PsycCRITIQUES ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 52 (33) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tanja Bekhuis
Keyword(s):  

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-168
Author(s):  
Bayram Unal

This study aims at understanding how the perceptions about migrants have been created and transferred into daily life as a stigmatization by means of public perception, media and state law implementations.  The focus would be briefly what kind of consequences these perceptions and stigmatization might lead. First section will examine the background of migration to Turkey briefly and make a summary of migration towards Turkey by 90s. Second section will briefly evaluate the preferential legal framework, which constitutes the base for official discourse differentiating the migrants and implementations of security forces that can be described as discriminatory. The third section deals with the impact of perceptions influential in both formation and reproduction of inclusive and exclusive practices towards migrant women. Additionally, impact of public perception in classifying the migrants and migratory processes would be dealt in this section.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-113
Author(s):  
Francesco Rotiroti

This article seeks to define a theoretical framework for the study of the relation between religion and the political community in the Roman world and to analyze a particular case in point. The first part reviews two prominent theories of religion developed in the last fifty years through the combined efforts of anthropologists and classicists, arguing for their complementary contribution to the understanding of religion's political dimension. It also provides an overview of the approaches of recent scholarship to the relation between religion and the Roman polity, contextualizing the efforts of this article toward a theoretical reframing of the political and institutional elements of ancient Christianity. The second part focuses on the religious legislation of the Theodosian Code, with particular emphasis on the laws against the heretics and their performance in the construction of the political community. With their characteristic language of exclusion, these laws signal the persisting overlap between the borders of the political community and the borders of religion, in a manner that one would expect from pre-Christian civic religions. Nevertheless, the political essence of religion did also adapt to the ecumenical dimension of the empire. Indeed, the religious norms of the Code appear to structure a community whose borders tend to be identical to the borders of the whole inhabited world, within which there is no longer room for alternative affiliations; the only possible identity outside this community is that of the insane, not belonging to any political entity and thus unable to possess any right.


2009 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 319-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yong-Hwan Noh ◽  
김원중 ◽  
김정언

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