Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

State-run celebration of Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia (based on audiovisual sources)

2019 ◽  
pp. 251-268
Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.

scholarly journals Wacana Kepemimpinan Perempuan Dalam Film ‘Opera Jawa’ Karya Garin Nugroho

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Toni
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Social Dimension ◽  
The Political ◽  
Spiritual Power ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
The Social ◽  
Strategic Role ◽  
Political Agents

The paper discusses the film by Garin Nugroho based on a discourse analysis developed by Fairclough. The film titled “Javanese Opera” directed by Garin became one of the films that raised the theme of Javanese women in domestic and political space. How Garin in the discourse of Javanese women became interesting because his works were widely recognized as coloring the development of national films and his works were recognized internationally. The research method used a qualitative approach, while the analysis used was Fairclough’s discourse analysis. The gender leadership discourse in Indonesia is represented by Garin Nugroho as a dynamic discourse relating to the sociopolitical context and power based on the national philosophy, culture and values of pluralism adopted by the Indonesian people. The socio-political context in this film is how women’s perspectives are represented as social agents and political agents in looking at the leadership leadership in Indonesia. In the social dimension, Javanese women are represented as the center of male spiritual power which has a strategic role in shaping male leadership character. In the political dimension, Javanese women are represented as agents of public space in the political contestation of power which is realized by various strategic steps in conducting global political competition.

scholarly journals Left views on liberal protests in Russia (review of Osin's monograph «Left forces and spontaneous protest: history, lessons, modernity, prospects»)

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 85-91
Author(s):  
A. Matyukhin
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Associate Professor ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sociological Research ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
Left Movement

This review is an analysis of the monograph of Roman Osin, candidate of philosophy, associate Professor of the Department of fundamental legal and social-humanitarian disciplines at synergy University "Left forces and spontaneous protest: history, lessons, modernity, prospects". The monograph examines the political and socio-class nature of the mass protests of 2011-2013 from the perspective of Marxist methodology and tactics of the Russian left movement in them. The monograph is of interest both from the point of view of studying the protest and left-wing movements of the early 2010s, and from the point of view of the methodology for understanding the phenomenon of "color" revolutions in General. The author analyzes the social composition of the protesters, their political views, as well as the political forces of the protest and their tactics based on the empirical material of sociological research, as well as personal experience of participating in the ongoing processes. Based on the study, R.S. Osin concludes that the protest was generally "petty-bourgeois" in nature and could not lead to fundamental changes in the basis of society. At the same time, from the author's point of view, this protest was an important milestone in the development of the politicization of Russian society and could not fail to be a useful experience for Russian citizens. Analyzing the tactics of the left forces, R.S. Osin notes as a disadvantage the political and ideological inconsistency of many left-wing organizations, which benefited the liberal protest forces or the authorities. From the point of view Of R.S. Osin, the most correct tactic was the tactics of those organizations that simultaneously opposed the liberal and state-Patriotic forces, which in practice means participating in protests with their own independent agenda. In conclusion, R.S. Osin expresses his own point of view on the need for fundamental changes in society, reveals the concept of social and political revolutions, and also States the thesis that only the organized labor movement and other layers of workers can change the system of industrial relations in the country. Despite the obvious ideological color of the work and the use of exclusively Marxist methodology as the research base, R.S. Osin's monograph is of scientific interest and can be used to study the modern protest and left-wing movement.

Party Registration and the Subversion of Democracy in Nigeria

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-65
Author(s):  
Pita Ogaba Agbese
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Registration ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

Nigeria has had three programs of transition from military to civil rule in the last 13 years. Despite the enormous resources wasted on the first two programs, by Generals Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha, democracy remains a mirage in Nigeria. The demise of the two programs was not just a monumental failure on the part of the two leaders; it also vividly demonstrates the military’s inability to effect a lasting transition to civil rule. In addition, the utter failure of both programs has exposed the political brinkmanship to which the military is prepared to go to subvert democracy. Babangida’s brazen annulment of the June 1993 presidential election and Abacha’s repressive, dictatorial, and corrupt governing style brought Nigeria closer to the edge of the precipice than any other crisis since the civil war of the 1960s.

The Turkish army at the turn of the 1960s and 1970s: from left-wing conspiracy to right-wing coup

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-221
Author(s):  
Malika Sh. Tovsultanova ◽  
Rustam A. Tovsultanov ◽  
Lilia N. Galimova
Keyword(s):  
Military Coup ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Socialist System ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military ◽  
Turkish Society

This is the first paper in Russian historiography dedicated to the struggle of left and right groups in the Turkish army on the eve of a military coup on March 12, 1971. By 1970, an alliance of leftist intellectuals and officers was formed, led by the editor of the Devrim newspaper, Dogan Avjioglu and one of the organizers of the 1960 coup, a retired lieutenant general Jemal Madanoglu, received the conditional name of the organization of national revolutionaries. The members of the organization sought to approve the socialist system of the bassist type in the country and outlined the number of military coups March 9, 1971. However, the death of one and the opportunist position of two other leaders of the military wing led to the failure of the attempt of a leftist coup. On the contrary, on March 12, 1971, a right-wing military coup took place in Turkey. In the course of subsequent repressions, a powerful blow was dealt to the left groups in the army and in Turkish society as a whole. In an effort to end the repression and achieve consensus in society, moderately leftist forces led by B. Ejevit entered into a coalition with their opponents religious conservatives led by N. Erbakan.

The Curious Origins of Airline Deregulation: Economic Deregulation and the American Left

2019 ◽  
Vol 93 (4) ◽  
pp. 729-753 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reuel Schiller
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
New Left ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Regulatory Policies ◽  
Airline Deregulation ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Political Right ◽  
American Left

This article examines the politics of airline deregulation in the 1970s, and the events that led to the passage of the Airline Deregulation Act of 1978. It links the antibureaucratic, antiregulatory policies of the 1970s to ideas closely connected to the New Left, the counterculture, and other left-wing subcultures that dominated high and low thought in the 1960s. By linking this source of antibureaucratic sentiment to the politics of airline deregulation, this article suggests a new direction for historians who study the American state in the last decades of the twentieth century. As they focus their attention on the rise of market-based, neoliberal regulatory policies, they should look for their origins not only in the growing strength of the intellectual and political right, but also in the political thought and practice of the 1960s left.

scholarly journals Bey-Bulat Taymiev as an outstanding military and political figure of Chechnya in the first quarter of the XIX century

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-113
Author(s):  
Rustam Аlhazurovich Tovsultanov ◽  
Lilia Nadipovna Galimova
Keyword(s):  
Effective Control ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
History Of ◽  
A Priority ◽  
Xix Century ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Figure

This paper analyzes the political and military situation prevailing in Chechnya at the end of XVIII - the first quarter of the XIX century. The authors note that the crisis of the military-political situation in Chechnya occurred after a number of regions and countries of the Caucasus joined Russia in the early XIX century. The establishment of effective control over the unconquered mountain people converted from a purely border problem into a strategic task for the tsarism. This task was given to General A.P. Yermolov who paid all his attention to the left wing (which included Chechnya) of the Caucasian line and Chechnya became a priority of his policy. A.P. Yermolov immediately began to carry out a rigid policy towards the mountaineers, the aim of frequent punitive expeditions was to intimidate the Chechens. A.P. Yermolovs policy gradually led to the consolidation of different Chechen communities, primarily divided into clans and tribes. This rigid policy of the Caucasian Chechen governor in 1825 raised uprising. Bay-Bulat Taymiev headed this movement. In this connection the paper also explores the uprising of Bay-Bulat Taymiev in 1825-1826, the causes and nature of the movement of mountaineers, analyzes the causes of the defeat and the result of the uprising. The authors assess the role and significance of Bay-Bulat Taymiev in the history of Chechnya.

scholarly journals “Karlson” – A Stasi “Kontakt Person”. An episode of Iceland’s Cold War legacy

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgir Guðmundsson ◽  
Markus Meckl
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
University Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Press ◽  
Chess Game ◽  
East German ◽  
Geographical Position ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military

Iceland’s geographical position gave this small nation a special strategic importance in the political and military chess game between East and West during the Cold War era. Iceland constituted an important post for the NATO defence forces and surveillance activities. The military base and the NATO alignment created stark divisions among the population. The political discussion was framed in terms of the Cold War and the press in Iceland continuously suggested that the political motives of their opponents were conspicuously linked to or derived from either the interests of Soviet or Eastern European communism or US capitalist imperialism. It was in this circumstances that in the fifties and sixties young left wing people sought to undertake their university education in the Eastern block. The legacy of heated feelings of the Cold War has in many ways survived the Cold War itself. This article wants to contribute to the objectification of the debate by presenting the files from the archives of the East German secret service on one Icelandic student cooperating with it while studying in East Germany.

A political framework for understanding heritage dynamics in Turkey (1950–1980)

Urban History ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Mesut Dinler
Keyword(s):  
Historic Preservation ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Expert Knowledge ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Conservation Movement ◽  
Historic Structures ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Historic Cities

Abstract The article focuses on the actions of the High Council for Immovable Historic Works and Monuments (HC), which was active from 1951 to 1983 as the sole decision-maker in issues of historic preservation for all historic structures and sites in Turkey. The HC archives reveal a historical and political framework for understanding the context within which the HC operated. Expert knowledge, especially in the conservation of historic cities, has been a powerful instrument, although the use of this instrument depended on the political context. The HC extended its authority in the 1950s, operating under a conservative autocratic government. In the 1960s and 1970s, on the other hand, when central power was lacking and society was dominated by political violence, chaos and economic instability, the HC could reinforce and exercise its power to raise standards in historic preservation in line with the international conservation movement.

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