Religion and the Construction of a Christian Roman Polity

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-113
Author(s):  
Francesco Rotiroti

This article seeks to define a theoretical framework for the study of the relation between religion and the political community in the Roman world and to analyze a particular case in point. The first part reviews two prominent theories of religion developed in the last fifty years through the combined efforts of anthropologists and classicists, arguing for their complementary contribution to the understanding of religion's political dimension. It also provides an overview of the approaches of recent scholarship to the relation between religion and the Roman polity, contextualizing the efforts of this article toward a theoretical reframing of the political and institutional elements of ancient Christianity. The second part focuses on the religious legislation of the Theodosian Code, with particular emphasis on the laws against the heretics and their performance in the construction of the political community. With their characteristic language of exclusion, these laws signal the persisting overlap between the borders of the political community and the borders of religion, in a manner that one would expect from pre-Christian civic religions. Nevertheless, the political essence of religion did also adapt to the ecumenical dimension of the empire. Indeed, the religious norms of the Code appear to structure a community whose borders tend to be identical to the borders of the whole inhabited world, within which there is no longer room for alternative affiliations; the only possible identity outside this community is that of the insane, not belonging to any political entity and thus unable to possess any right.

Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 1 lays out the book’s theoretical framework. Accepting the claim that Israel is a neoliberalizing society, it asserts labor’s agency and its potential to thwart neoliberalism as part of a struggle taking place on the ideological or symbolic level too. It then proposes neocorporatism as a useful conceptual approach, and links this to union revitalization and concepts of power. These theoretical terms and concepts are used to anchor the three “spheres” of union activity which structure the book: union democracy, or workers’ relationship to their representative organization; the balance of power between labor and capital, and the way the potential clash of interests between them is viewed and played out; and the relationship of labor to the political establishment and wider political community. Finally, a short coda explains the research process and approach that led to the book.


Author(s):  
Suwarsono Suwarsono

This paper attempts to find the political position of Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (The Corruption Eradication Commission) in the year of 2014. In so doing, it tries to use the stakeholders perspective as its theoretical framework which applied in public sector context. Stakeholders analysis is basically a political dimension of management. First, it shortly expouses what is meant by the stakeholders perspective. It is followed by an explanation about its mode of analysis and its strategic implication. Core of the paper is found where it explains the political position of Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) in its final part which includes a set of proposed strategy. Key words: public sector, stakeholders, political position, and proposed strategy


ICL Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Yahyaoui Krivenko

AbstractThe article argues that no understanding of global constitutionalism will be complete without a thorough discussion of its political dimension. The current state of scholarship on global constitutionalism is dominated by discussions of legal elements. However, any theory of global constitutionalism has an underlying vision of the political. Without discussing this underlying vision of the political global constitutionalism will remain incomplete. In particular the article demonstrates that the contemporary debates on global constitutionalism are plagued by a contradiction between its aims and its underlying vision of the political. Thus, global constitutionalism postulates individuals as central units of its concern. However, by maintaining states as central actors although in a changed form and with fewer powers global constitutionalism unwittingly subscribes to a vision of the political anchored in the state form and based on the exclusion/inclusion dynamic. This vision of the political is most clearly articulated by Carl Schmitt. The discussion of his view of the political demonstrates that the political based on the state form makes the project of global constitutionalism impossible. The only way forward is an open discussion of different visions of the political and a search for a more adequate vision of the political able to further the aims of global constitutionalism and its focus on individuals. The article discusses one of these alternative visions of the political, namely the concept of the coming politics and coming community as articulated by Giorgio Agamben. It demonstrates how with this vision of the political the project of global constitutionalism can conceive of a political community fully dedicated to the singularities of each individual human being without creating divisions. The article concludes that in order for global constitutionalism to continue as a viable project, an open and explicit discussion of the political is called for.


Author(s):  
Tomasz Masłyk ◽  
Ewa Migaczewska

Define our own role in the process of political participation determines the manner of its implementation, and therefore the attitude we adopt the operating entity in the wider political community. This may be the attitude of an active actor co-responsible for the direction and quality of the policy, or lacking a sense of agency. In the case of disabled persons adopt the first of them it is difficult due to both objective barriers associated with perceptual-motor constraints, and because of the subjective, deeply rooted in society and among the disabled themselves, stereotyping ways of thinking about the functioning of this social category in society. Going beyond this scheme requires the realization of the social model of disability, in which persons with disabilities are active participants in social life, contributing to its development. The aim of the article is to present the dynamics of change in the perception of people with disabilities in Poland, their subjectivity in the political dimension. The analysis will cover issues such as: interest in politics, trust in political institutions and the generalized others, their capacity to co-create the policy. The data used in the empirical analysis is derived from European Social Survey (2002–2014).


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-16
Author(s):  
O. V. Bakhlova ◽  
I. V. Bakhlov ◽  
E. G. Ulyasckina

Introduction. The Union State of Belarus and Russia is one of the privileged integration formats for the Russian Federation. However the Union State and the participating countries are under pressure caused by internal and external challenges including those rooted in the political dimension. The lack of the union-level political community and the weak institutionalization of public support for the Russian-Belarusian integration increase their danger. The purpose of this article is to identify the specifics of the perception of the Union State by the political parties of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus as an integration format taking into account the key vectors of the state integration policy articulated by them.Materials and methods. The main research methods include comparison, traditional and formal­ized study of documents. The research is based on the program texts of the political parties of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus – their of­ficial programs and charters, election documents, as well as their party websites and mass media.The results of the research. The analysis of these materials made it possible to characterize the dominants and constants of the party discourse in Russia and Belarus, to show the similar and distinc­tive features in it. The major issues concerning the integration policy,recorded in party documents are shown. Special attention is paid to the parties rep­resented in the national parliaments as having the greatest legal opportunities to influence the adop­tion of integration decisions. Almost all of these parties can be considered as pro-integration ones. At the same time, the limited political functionality of the parties in both countries and the lack of posi­tions on issues of integration policy and prospects for the development of Russian-Belarusian integra­tion elaborated in detail in the party programs are emphasized. The interest in the Union State in the party programs as a whole is inferior to the interest in the Eurasian integration.Discussion and conclusions. The necessity of increasing the political functionality of Russian and Belarusian parties as agents of union construc­tion is substantiated. The mechanisms of the federal and regional levels that allow Russian parties to become more active in this capacity are articulated. The trends in the evolution of the party system of the Republic of Belarus are revealed, which allow us to predict a relative improvement in the prospects for creating new pro-integration parties and promot­ing inter-party diplomacy with the participation of the leading parties of the Russian Federation in line with the public diplomacy of the Union State.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.


Author(s):  
András Sajó ◽  
Renáta Uitz

This book examines the implications of constitutionalism for the constitutional legal order and the political community which is meant to live by it. The book demonstrates what is at stake in the debate on constitutionalism through numerous examples of political anomalies and abuse of power. It presents stories of constitutional success and failure to give a sense of the current threats, arguing that constitutions are not mere practical applications of political philosophies or opportunistic political deals. The book considers foundational issues related to constitutions and constitutionalism as reflected in influential ideas, political practices, and social dynamics behind the scenes.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document