Prospect of Denuclearization of North Korea and Peace Building Process on the Korean Peninsula - Optimism, Challenges, and Response Strategies -

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 137-160
Author(s):  
Beob-Heon Kim
2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 254
Author(s):  
Rangga Amalul Akhli

Since its inception in 1967, ASEAN has an important role to establish regional security and peace building in Southeast Asia. That effort certainly continues up until now. Realizing that the peace preservation needs to be extended to its northern neighbor, ASEAN initiated mechanisms that would enable it to play greater role in the Korean peninsula. However, the association effort to preserve peace in the region is inseparable from criticism which stated that this association was not effective in reconciling the two Koreas. Amidst the pessimism of ASEAN's role in the Korean Peninsula, this paper is presented to respond that argument. Furthermore, by using the constructivism paradigm, this paper argues that the ASEAN approach that believes in norms building to address security challenges in the Korean peninsula uncovers space for peace preservation in other ways amid such options and mechanisms that other powers offer which in fact last briefly and exacerbate hostility. To conclude, the approach has been useful for several reasons, such as maintaining the continuity of the multilateralism ties with North Korea and being an important actor that can be trusted by the two Koreas in the midst of a vortex of influences involving the big powers competition.


2009 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jong-Sue Lee

North Korea conducted 2nd nuclear test on May 25, 2009. It made a vicious circle and continued military tension on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea regime got a question on the effectiveness of the six party talks and ‘security-economy exchange model’. In addition, the North Korea probably disappointed about the North Korea issue has been excluded from the Obama administration's policy position. So the dialogue or relationship recovery with the United States and North Korea through six-party talks or bilateral talks will be difficult for the time being. This paper examines the EU policy on North Korea. Based on the results, analyzes the EU is likely to act as a balancer on the Korean Peninsula. Through the procedure of deepening and expanding the economic and political unification, the EU utilizes their cooperative policies towards North Korea as an ideal opportunity to realize their internal value and to confirm the commonness within the EU members. The acceleration of the EU's unification, however, began to focus on human rights, and this made their official relationship worse. Yet, the EU is continuously providing food as wells as humanitarian and technological support to North Korea regardless of the ongoing nuclear and human rights issues in North Korea. Also, the number of multinational corporations investing in North Korea for the purpose of preoccupying resources and key industries at an individual nation's level has been increasing. The European Union has unique structure which should follow the way of solving the problem of member states like subsidiary principle. It appears to conflict between normative power of the European Union and strategic interests on member states. This paper examines if the European Union is useful tool to complement Korea-US cooperation in the near future.


Author(s):  
A. Fenenko

During the last twenty years Washington has used the “counter-proliferation strategy” in Korean Peninsula. The Americans demanded that North Korea eliminate its nuclear arsenals and plutonium production facilities under the watchful eye of the “five powers’ commission” or the IAEA. Pyongyang's recent military provocation may now raise the specter of the United States or even South Korea delivering non-nuclear strikes against its nuclear facilities. That would give the USA an opportunity to raise the question of whether certain regimes should be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons or even to develop nuclear fuel cycle capacity. The last crises demonstrated that under certain circumstances North Korea could also initiate a military conflict in East Asia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 314-339
Author(s):  
Habiba Abubaker

Constitutional drafting is a complex procedure. Every year, nonetheless, the world witnesses the birth of several constitutions. The drafting of constitutions, however, differs greatly from one to the other; this depends mainly on the state of affairs in each State and the causes behind the need for a new constitution. In post-conflict States, the success of the constitutional drafting process depends on various factors including, inter alia, the inclusiveness of the process; transparency; equal representation in the bodies involved in the drafting; public participation; as well as the role the international community plays. All of these factors have great implications on the success, or failure, of not only the constitutional drafting process, but also on the whole peace-building process in post-conflict societies. In other words, a successful constitutional drafting process must be nationally-led and owned while targeting the root causes of the conflict. While it may be aided by international components, the process must reflect the geo-ideological differences within a State, whether cultural, tribal, ethnic or religious. This article gives an empirical account of the constitutional drafting processes adopted as a consequence of internal conflict in Iraq, Tunisia, Kosovo, and Sudan. The paper discusses the general drafting process; the bodies involved; procedural shortcomings; and any international influence.


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