scholarly journals Chinese geostrategic vision and its incidence on Latin America and Africa

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (23) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Alberto Ardila Castro ◽  
Jessica Andrea Rodríguez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Social Development ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Latin American Politics ◽  
Naval Power ◽  
Significant Incidence ◽  
Economic Control

China has had a significant incidence in various sectors of African and Latin American politics, economy, and trade. There is no denying that its foreign policy has strategic interests in both regions. One of the most outstanding features of Chinese politics is its desire to promote cooperation to foster a renaissance between Asia and Latin America and Africa. Unlike the old colonial masters, China is committed to providing these regions with new opportunities for development. Bearing in mind Alfred Mahan’s theory of naval power, and the strategic rearguard that, at a given time, it allowed the United States, China is attempting to maintain the strategic center of gravity, which the economic control of Latin America and Africa and its surrounding resources provides to generate a strategic expansion that would ensure its interests and power in the hemisphere. In exchange, China strives to promote economic, commercial, political, and social development in African and Latin American societies.

scholarly journals Important contribution to Russian Latin American studies

2021 ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
Anatoly Borovkov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Development ◽  
American Studies ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Latin American Studies ◽  
The Government

The book examines the main trends in Mexico's international activities in the first two decades of the XXI century, as well as the leading trends in its socio-political development. The author tried to show that Mexico is more and more actively involved in solving the main problems of world politics, where it emphatically takes independent positions. Mexico's relations with the United States, with the countries of Latin America, with China and Spain, as well as the prospects for expanding ties with Russia are analyzed, Mexico's position in the UN is shown and the prospects for the development of its foreign policy under the government of Lopez Obrador.

OIL AND GAS FACTOR IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF LATIN AMERICA

2019 ◽  
pp. 27-33
Author(s):  
O. Tkach ◽  
V. Tsvykh ◽  
M. Khylko ◽  
O. Batrymenko ◽  
D. Nelipa
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Research Methods ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
The United States ◽  
Energy Resources ◽  
Latin American Countries

Formulation of the problem. The authors analyze the current state and prospects for the development of the oil and gas complex and their role in the foreign policy of the Latin American states, policies of the use of oil and gas resources as a tool for enhancing influence in the region, as well as the functioning of multilateral oil supply agreements. The possibilities of realization of joint energy projects in Latin America are analyzed. The presence of oil and gas in the region has always been used as a political tool. The United States' reliance on Middle Eastern oil and the carbon emissions produced by the surging demand for fossil fuels in Asia tend to dominate discussions about the role of energy in U.S. foreign policy. But in recent years, the energy relationship between the United States and Latin America has perhaps become more important than other issues, as the largest share of the United States international trade and investment in the energy sector has occurred within the Western Hemisphere. Purpose of the researchis to study the role of the oil and gas complex in the foreign policy of Latin American countries. The oil and gas complex plays an important role in the foreign policy of Latin American countries. The Latin American energy market is quite attractive to transnational energy companies due to the huge volumes of cheap energy resources, the consumer market with growing energy demand. The energy markets of the Americas are deeply integrated. Despite the shale boom, which led to a sharp increase in U.S. oil production and a drop in imports, the United States still relies on Latin America for more than 30 percent of the oil it buys from abroad. The gas and gas complex part of the geological section is characterized by a similar lithological composition and the underlying rocks, containing oil and gas in industrial volumes. Research methods: The following research methods were used to address the issues set in the article: general scientific methods – descriptive, hermeneutic-political, systemic, structural-functional, comparative, institutional-comparative; general logical methods – empirical, statistical, prognostic modeling and analysis; special methods of political science. The preference was given to the method of political-system analysis, by which the common and distinctive characteristics of the basic components of immigration policy strategies were identified, reflecting existing political, public, information and other challenges for international relations and global development. The article of analysis. Latin America, a growing importer of U.S. natural gas and the largest market for U.S., makes refined petroleum products, such as gasoline. American oil companies and utilities are big investors in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela, helping to develop the energy resources of all those countries. In Brazil, the United States direct investment in oil and gas extraction reached $2,4 billion in 2015; in Mexico, the figure was $420 million. Washington's financing and technical cooperation programs have further helped the development of new energy resources in the region. U.S. institutions and funds back up clean energy investments and provide regulatory and technical guidance to tap the region's shale fields.

scholarly journals From Promoting Political Polyarchy to Defeating Participatory Democracy: U.S. Foreign Policy towards the Far Left in Latin America

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-95
Author(s):  
Timothy M Gill
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Participatory Democracy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
National Endowment ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Late 20Th Century

During the 1980s, the United States initiated an explicit policy of democracy promotion throughout the world. William Robinson (1996) more accurately described this initiative as “promoting polyarchy,” whereby the United States supported moderate elite actors that promoted neoliberal economic policies to displace both right-wing and communist despots, such as General Augusto Pinochet in Chile and Soviet rulers in Eastern Europe. While much of Latin America remained characterized by polyarchies throughout the late 20th Century, Latin American citizens began to reject these political arrangements and to elect anti-neoliberal candidates that promoted participatory democracy by the turn of the 21st Century, particularly in Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. How has the United States changed its democracy promotion strategies to respond to these new dynamics? The purpose of this paper is to illustrate how the U.S. government, through agencies such as the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and USAID, has altered the main thrust of its foreign policy in Latin America, from promoting polyarchy and displacing despotic leaders, to supporting opposition actors to unseat democratically-elected far leftist leaders that promote participatory democracy. This paper deploys a case study method involving recent U.S. foreign policy in Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, and it utilizes both U.S. diplomatic cables and interviews with U.S. state elites to illustrate this shift.

Beyond Orthodoxy: Asserting Latin America's New Strategic Options Toward the United States

2011 ◽  
Vol 53 (04) ◽  
pp. 127-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Russell ◽  
Juan Gabriel Tokatlian
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
First Century ◽  
Policy Models ◽  
Strategic Options ◽  
The Cold War

Abstract This essay explores the possibility that Latin America may deploy new strategic options in its relations with Washington at the beginning of the twenty-first century. It starts by evaluating what have been the five major foreign policy models of the region with regard to Washington since the end of the Cold War. It proceeds by evaluating the recent dynamics of Latin American insertion into world affairs. Then it introduces three new alternatives for handling U.S. Latin American relations in the coming years. It concludes by pointing out the importance of understanding the scope of the hemispheric challenges for both the region and Washington.

scholarly journals The Myth of 9/11 in Latin America

2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-40
Author(s):  
Ana Isabel Lopez Garcia
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Latin American ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Illegal Migration ◽  
The U.S

It is often argued that the first and most visible impact of the terrorist attacks of 9/11 has been the reordering of Washington’s priorities in its relations with Latin America. The United States (U.S.) has focused its attention outside the hemisphere and placed Latin America at the “bottom of U.S. terrorist agenda” (Youngers 2003). Various scholars argue that the U.S has returned to its Cold-War stance, in which it only notices those developments in Latin America that directly challenge U.S. interests (Hakim 2006). Accordingly, after 9/11 U.S. security demands have overshadowed other issues that Latin American countries consider priorities (Youngers 2003, 2). Susan Kauffman (2002), for instance, posits that: “once again the United States is looking at Latin America through a security lens, while Latin America wants the emphasis to remain on economic development.” The effects of U.S. foreign policy towards Latin America after 9/11 have not repeated the pattern of the Cold War. Although Latin America no longer is the overriding priority of American foreign policy, the U.S. has not neglected the region, nor, as many analysts have argued (Shifter 2004; Youngers 2003; Hakim 2006; Roett 2006), has it become disengaged from the hemisphere. The terrorist attacks did not introduce a different agenda for U.S.-Latin American relations from that of the post-Cold-War period. Free trade, illegal migration and the fight against drugs have continued to be the main issues of U.S.-Latin American relations. Even the trend towards militarization of U.S. foreign policy began in Latin America long before the terrorist attacks. U.S.-Latin America relations have been affected significantly not by the consequences of 9/11, but rather by the negative effects of the U.S-promoted economic model in the region. The failures of the so-called Washington Consensus are not linked to the terrorist attacks.

Latin American Nationalism and the United States

1965 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-13
Author(s):  
Alfred B. Thomas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
National Culture ◽  
Latin American ◽  
National Interest ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
American Nationalism

In Latin America three main currents of nationalism exist. One of these, middle class, fits well the excellent definition suggested by Professor Paul Shoup, displaying a fundamental attachment to the values in a country's national culture and history; a need for a considerable degree of independence with priority given to one's own immediate national interest; and, finally, nationalistic emphasis upon industrialization as a means of progress. The second and third currents of nationalism are fraudulent in character, that is, nationalistic feelings are manipulated by Communists to serve the purposes of Russian or Chinese Communist foreign policy, and a similar manipulation by members of the privileged elite to protect their monopoly of political and economic power sometimes may be found.

Obama’s Latin America Policy: A Score Card

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sikhumbuzo Zondi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mutual Engagement ◽  
Score Card ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
Policy Shift ◽  
The Moment

According to Senator McCain, “John F. Kennedy described the peoples of Latin America as the United States’ ‘firm and ancient friends, united by history and by the United States’ determination to advance the values of American civilization throughout the hemisphere’” (Kennedy, 1962, quoted in McCain, 2007: 30). Latin American countries make natural partners of the United States, despite previous United States’ administrations having inattentively polluted this relationship. However, from the moment he became America’s 44th president, Barack H. Obama expressed a policy toward Latin America that was centered on the idea of equal partnership and mutual engagement, by saying, “I know that promises of partnership have gone unfulfilled in the past. There would be no senior or junior partner to this new engagement; there is simply engagement based on mutual respect; common interests and shared values” (Obama, 2009). This paper will examine President Obama’s foreign policy legacy in Latin America looking at his change of strategy on US-Cuba relations and the challenges that followed. The initial part will examine U.S. foreign policy shift from Bush to the Obama administration. The paper concludes that despite Obama’s Latin America policy not living to its full expectation, it was more pragmatic, cordial and multilateral than most American administrations to date.

scholarly journals The United States and Latin America Regional Cooperation: Organization of American States (OAS)

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 149
Author(s):  
Demeiati Nur Kusumaningrum
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
Obama Administration ◽  
The Us

AbstrakPenelitian ini berpendapat bahwa perjanjian kerja sama OAS menjadi instrumen Amerika Serikat untuk mencapai kepentingan keamanan dan ekonomi. Semangat untuk menyebarkan kebebasan dan hak asasi manusia dianggap sebagai karakter AS sebagai negara demokrasi liberal. Pemerintahan Obama mengambil kesempatan lebih besar untuk memperkuat kerja sama dengan negara-negara Amerika Latin melalui OAS sebagai sarana untuk merebut kekuasaan dan pengaruh yang berkaitan dengan masalah perjanjian perdagangan bebas Amerika Latin dan kontrol terhadap penyelundupan narkoba. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan analisis deskriptif. Data dan informasi diperoleh dari kajian pustaka. Peneliti menerapkan analisis konten dokumen melalui publikasi pemerintah, publikasi ilmiah, dan laporan. Perubahan kebijakan luar negeri AS di bawah pemerintahan Obama percaya pada reformasi pasar dan pragmatisme Amerika berdasarkan demokrasi dan liberalisasi perdagangan. Kemajuan ekonomi Mercosur memicu kepercayaan terhadap kemajuan pembangunan di antara negara-negara Amerika Latin dan membuat mereka menjauhi pengaruh politik AS. Sementara itu, keamanan nasional AS terancam oleh meningkatnya perdagangan narkoba dari Meksiko dan kawasan selatan sejak tahun 1980-an. Kerangka kerja kerja sama OAS dalam memerangi perdagangan narkoba yang dikembangkan oleh AS sebagai aktor dominan melegitimasi pengaruh AS dalam forum regional. Dengan memperkuat kerja sama AS dan Amerika Latin pada pengendalian obat-obatan, pemerintah AS mampu memanfaatkan berkembangnya ekonomi Mercosur dan merealisasikan kebijakan AS tentang pengendalian narkoba di seluruh kawasan Amerika.Kata kunci: Amerika Latin, Ekonomi Politik, Keamanan, Kepentingan, Regionalisme AbstractThis research argue on the OAS cooperation agreement becomes United States instrument to achieve the political economy and political security. The spirit to spread of freedom and human right perceived as the character of US as a liberal democratic country. The Obama administration take a greater chance to strengthened the cooperation with Latin American countries by the OAS as a means to seize power and influence dealt with the matter of Latin America free trade agreement and drugs control. This research used qualitative research method by descriptive analysis. The data and information obtained from library research. The researcher apply document content analysis through the government publications, scholars publications, IGO reports, and other research publication. The foreign policy changes of US foreign policy under Obama administration believe in market reform and American pragmatism based on democracy and trade liberalization. The economic advancement of Mercosur triger the confidence building among Latin America countries and let them survive without US political influence.Whereas, US national security threaten by the increasing of drug trafficking from Mexico and southern area since 1980s. The OAS framework of cooperation on combating drugs trafficking developed by US as the dominant actor to legitimate the US influence in American regional forum. By strengthening the US and Latin America cooperation on drugs control the US administration is able to contribute to the economic benefits of Mercosur and achieve US policy on drug control throughout the American region.Keywords: Interest, Latin America, Political Economy, Regionalism, Security

scholarly journals USA and China in Latin America: Contours of Competition

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petr Pavlovich Yakovlev
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Total Trade ◽  
Main Challenge ◽  
Trade Wars ◽  
Latin American Countries

In the last decade Latin America in trade, economic and financial terms turns out to be increasingly “sandwiched” between the United States and China, which accounted for more than half of the total trade of Latin American countries, and also a crucial part of entering the region investment and credit resources. This circumstance has the strongest impact on the structure and orientation of foreign economic relations and foreign policy contacts. In the foreseeable future one of the complexities of foreign policy of the Latin American countries will be delaying action between the United States and China, are becoming involved in hybrid war for dominance in the global economy and trade. In Latin American capitals the USA-Chinese rivalry at the global level are watched with suspicion and fear. It is connected not only with the current situation, but with the dynamics of relations between Washington and Beijing, the intensification of contradictions at the global and regional levels. Latin Americans believe that initiation of trade wars and other kinds of American-Chinese confrontation could harm the development of the world economy and harm the crucial interests of the region, which is critically dependent on international goods and financial markets. The main challenge is the diversification of international relations of the Latin American States, the broadening of their economic and political partners. Only in this way can be weakened the hyper dependence of Latin America from Washington and Beijing, and reversed the negative effects of the ongoing protectionist policies and trade wars initiated by the administration of Donald Trump.

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