Cancer Curricula for Secondary Schools: Making the Right Choice

1998 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 593-602
Author(s):  
Paul E. Pezza

The American Cancer Society has produced and distributed for use in secondary schools a curriculum package entitled Right Choices. This article considers the development, testing, and marketing of the new cancer education program. Of particular interest is the selection of the theoretical perspective, evaluation methodology, and marketing strategy employed in its production, given the direction in which the field of health education is moving and the political context in which the curriculum has emerged. The author concludes that in selecting cancer prevention curricula for the schools, making the right choice may not be as simple as adopting what is available from the American Cancer Society. The case of Right Choices also serves to illuminate concerns about the American Cancer Society raised by others and bolsters the call for an examination of the organization's role in an effort to control cancer.

2003 ◽  
Vol 66 (16-19) ◽  
pp. 1563-1590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alette Willis ◽  
Daniel Krewski ◽  
Michael Jerrett ◽  
Mark Goldberg ◽  
Richard Burnett

1987 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 229-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cary Presant ◽  
Sean Presant ◽  
John Mack ◽  
G. Burnham Atterbury ◽  
Richard French ◽  
...  

Res Publica ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-23
Author(s):  
Vernon Bogdanor

In a constitutional monarchy, the Sovereign acts according to constitutional rules, rather than arbitrarily. That is so even in a country such as Britain which has no codified constitution. Today the rules of constitutional monarchy whose purpose it is to preserve the political neutrality of the Sovereign, serve to protect her from political involvement. Her powers remain essentially residual - selection of a Prime Minister and refusal of a dissolution under very rare circumstances.The main influence of the Sovereign, however, comes through her exercise of the three rights identified by Bagehot - the right to be consulted, the right to encourage and the right to wam; and through her role as Head of the Commonwealth.The enormous popularity of the monarchy in Britain today arises because it has come to be divorced from partisan politics, and so can act as a focus of national unity.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


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