scholarly journals Terrorist Attacks & Presidential Approval Rating

2014 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 27-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Bennett

After the attacks of September 11th the U.S. focused much of its foreign policy efforts on the War on Terror and prevention of another attack on U.S. soil. This paper will look at terrorist attacks dating back to 1970 in order to fully understand the impact of terrorist attacks on U.S. presidential approval ratings and the existence of the ‘rally around the flag’ effect during different administrations. Location, lethality, style, and political affiliation of the president will be variables focused on in a pre and post 9/11 context. This paper will give special consideration to 9/11, excluding the attacks in many cases, in order to view if there is a significant stable impact on approval ratings from terrorist attacks over time.

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 215-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thad Beyle ◽  
Richard G. Niemi ◽  
Lee Sigelman

Job approval ratings for state governors, unlike those for the United States president, have been relatively inaccessible to political scientists. We introduce the U.S. Officials Job Approval Ratings (JAR) dataset, a new compilation of gubernatorial job approval ratings—along with senatorial and state-level presidential ratings—that draws together many of these ratings, beginning with the first published rating in 1947 and extending through 2000. We describe some of the characteristics of these data, especially the kinds of rating scales used and their impact on overall approval assessment. We then show that 1993–2000 presidential approval levels varied widely from state to state and are correlated with state-level support for Clinton in the 1996 presidential election. Finally, we note that while gubernatorial approval often declines over time, many governors remain popular over the length of their term.


2015 ◽  
Vol 109 (4) ◽  
pp. 817-832 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK PEFFLEY ◽  
MARC L. HUTCHISON ◽  
MICHAL SHAMIR

How do persistent terrorist attacks influence political tolerance, a willingness to extend basic liberties to one's enemies? Studies in the U.S. and elsewhere have produced a number of valuable insights into how citizens respond to singular, massive attacks like 9/11. But they are less useful for evaluating how chronic and persistent terrorist attacks erode support for democratic values over the long haul. Our study focuses on political tolerance levels in Israel across a turbulent 30-year period, from 1980 to 2011, which allows us to distinguish the short-term impact of hundreds of terrorist attacks from the long-term influence of democratic longevity on political tolerance. We find that the corrosive influence of terrorism on political tolerance is much more powerful among Israelis who identify with the Right, who have also become much more sensitive to terrorism over time. We discuss the implications of our findings for other democracies under threat from terrorism.


1991 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darrell M. West

Presidential approval ratings are a frequently used barometer of performance and popularity. However, despite recognition of the media age in which we live, little work has examined the impact of television on presidential popularity. Using a 1980 and 1984 television content study, panel data from the 1980 National Election Study and rolling cross-sectional data from the 1984 Continuous Monitoring Study, I compare two American presidents (Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan) commonly seen as having different effectiveness on television. While media effects were not uniformly present during the two presidencies, there was some evidence that television harmed popularity, particularly when the content of news stories and commentary turned negative. I conclude by discussing the ramifications of these results for presidential strategies based on ‘going public’.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Carl Lee

In this article, the authors conduct a case study using text mining technique to analyze the patterns of the president's State of the Union Address in USA, and investigate the effects of these speech patterns on their performance rating in the following year. The speeches analyzed include the recent four USA presidents, Bush (1989 – 1992), Clinton (1993 - 2000), G.W. Bush (2001 – 2008), and Obama (2009 – 2011). The patterns found are further integrated and merged with over 4000 surveys on the presidents' performance ratings from 1989 to 2010. Two text mining methodology are applied to study the text patterns. Two predictive modeling techniques are applied to study the effects of these found patterns to their presidential approval ratings. The results indicate that the speech patterns found are highly associated with their approval rates.


2012 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Luiz Ferreira ◽  
Sergio Naruhiko Sakurai ◽  
Rodolfo Oliveira

Este artigo apresenta uma breve resenha e discute alguns dos resultados apresentados no trabalho de Ferreira, A. L. & Sakurai, S. N. (2010), “Personal Charisma or the Economy? Macroeconomic indicators of presidential approval ratings in Brazil”. A evidência encontrada numa versão atualizada desse artigo, referente ao período entre 09/1999 e 05/2010, mostra que o desemprego é uma das principais variáveis econômicas que afetam a aprovação. Também existe evidência de que o atual presidente apresenta uma taxa de aprovação maior que a do presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC), mantendo constante importantes indicadores macroeconômicos domésticos e estrangeiros. No entanto, o período de 09/99 até 12/2002 é caracterizado por uma tendência determinista positiva maior do que a do período anterior, indicando um diferencial de crescimento contínuo da popularidade de FHC.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-190
Author(s):  
Matthew M. Reavy ◽  
Kimberly Pavlick

This study extends research into problems in handling sampling error within polls by examining coverage of President Obama’s approval ratings in three major newspapers over a five-year period. Results indicate support for hypotheses suggesting that, when confronted with poll results that could be explained by sampling error alone, journalists will instead emphasize those changes or differences.


2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 249-258
Author(s):  
Paul Haidet ◽  
Kimberly J O'Malley ◽  
Barbara F. Sharf ◽  
Alicia P. Gladney ◽  
Anh N. Tran ◽  
...  

Objective: Previous studies have demonstrated the effects of the September 11th 2001 terrorist attacks on anxiety and anxiety-related conditions in Americans. However, data regarding associations between the attacks and patients' health perceptions are lacking. The objective of this study was to explore associations between the personal impact of the September 11th attacks and patients' perceptions of health and illness. Method: We performed a cross-sectional survey of 303 adult African-American, Caucasian, and Hispanic patients at primary care clinics in Houston, Texas. Data were collected between October 15, 2001 and March 1, 2002. We developed items to measure the impact of the September 11th attacks and patients' quality of life. Previously validated scales were used to measure health status, health locus of control, preferences regarding the patient-physician relationship, and patients' explanatory models of illness. Results: Twenty-two percent of patients reported no impact from the attacks, 41% reported mildly negative impact, 22% reported moderately negative impact, and 15% reported extremely negative impact in their lives. In multivariate analysis, demographic characteristics were not associated with impact from the attacks. However, patients who perceived a more external locus of control with respect to health and patients who reported greater meaning of illness in their lives also reported more negative impact from the September 11th attacks. Conclusions: The September 11th terrorist attacks had at least a somewhat negative impact for a majority of patients far from the site of the nearest attack, and regardless of their demographic backgrounds. The amount of negative impact that patients perceived as a result of the terrorist attacks correlates with certain illness perceptions, including an external health locus of control and a perception of greater meaning of illness in one's life. Such correlations may indicate an effect of terrorism on patients' illness behaviors. Further research is needed to better understand effects of the threat of terrorism on the general health and illness behaviors of patients.


1992 ◽  
Vol 86 (2) ◽  
pp. 475-486 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael B. MacKuen ◽  
Robert S. Erikson ◽  
James A. Stimson ◽  
Paul R. Abramson ◽  
Charles W. Ostrom

MacKuen, Erikson and Stimson used quarterly Gallup poll data to show in this Review in 1989 that changing levels of macropartisanship, the two-party division of partisans, responded to presidential approval ratings and perceptions of the economy and predicted national election results. In a 1991 Review research note Abramson and Ostrom argued that the NES and GSS questions more commonly used by scholars generated macropartisanship measures less sensitive to short term factors and less predictive of election outcomes. In this Controversy, Erikson and Stimson respond to the challenge and present new data from CBS News and New York Times telephone surveys to buttress their earlier analyses, arguing against substantial effects of the different question wordings. Abramson and Ostrom explain their continuing reservations.


2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 298-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Anderson ◽  
Adam J. Newmark

Using survey data in the states from 1981 to 2000, we explore the nature of public sentiment toward members of the U.S. Senate, compare aggregate senator approval to congressional approval, and examine the impact of several factors that may influence approval of both senators and their legislative institution. We hypothesize that presidential approval, partisanship, consumer expectations, inter-branch discord, national scandals, and rally-around-the-flag events will influence both senator and congressional approval. We find evidence that supports the conventional argument that constituents “love” their senators but “hate” Congress. Senators appear to be relatively insulated from factors that sway presidential and congressional approval.


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