scholarly journals The European Security and Defence Policy: Defining the European Union as a Rational Actor in International Security

2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan-Camilo Castillo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Security ◽  
Close Relation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Rational Actor ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The Cold War

The main objective of this article is to analyze how the European Union, through its Security and Defence Policy, has become a rational actor in international security matters since the end of the Cold War. It will analyze the close relation that exists between European integration and the notion of continental collective security. Also the new post-Cold War concerns that present a potential risk to the EU are going to be examined, and consequently how they affect the rationality of this institution as an actor. Finally the last section will explore the divergence between Europe and America in matters of security and the way this political drift may create a situation in which NATO can become irrelevant in regards of European defence.

The European Security and Defence Policy: Defining the European Union as a Rational Actor in International Security

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan-Camilo Castillo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Security ◽  
Close Relation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Rational Actor ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The Cold War

The main objective of this article is to analyze how the European Union, through its Security and Defence Policy, has become a rational actor in international security matters since the end of the Cold War. It will analyze the close relation that exists between European integration and the notion of continental collective security. Also the new post-Cold War concerns that present a potential risk to the EU are going to be examined, and consequently how they affect the rationality of this institution as an actor. Finally the last section will explore the divergence between Europe and America in matters of security and the way this political drift may create a situation in which NATO can become irrelevant in regards of European defence.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i3.189

Introduction: Italy's foreign policy and the Mediterranean

Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurizio Carbone
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
The Cold War

Following the end of the Cold War, Italy took on greater responsibilities in dealing with the increased challenges to international security, especially in its neighbourhood. The aim of this special issue of the journal Modern Italy is to understand to what extent Italy has been successful in developing a third circle in its foreign policy beyond the two traditional lodestars, Atlanticism and Europeanism; or whether Italy's competence in the Mediterranean has been strategically used to improve its relationship with the United States or its position within the European Union.

scholarly journals Post-Cold War sanctioning by the EU, the UN, and the US: Introducing the EUSANCT Dataset

2020 ◽  
pp. 073889422094872 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick M Weber ◽  
Gerald Schneider
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Eu

The European Union, the United Nations, and the United States frequently use economic sanctions. This article introduces the EUSANCT Dataset—which amends, merges, and updates some of the most widely used sanctions databases—to trace the evolution of sanctions after the Cold War. The dataset contains case-level and dyadic information on 326 threatened and imposed sanctions by the EU, the UN, and the US. We show that the usage and overall success of sanctions have not grown from 1989 to 2015 and that while the US is the most active sanctioner, the EU and the UN appear more successful.

European foreign policy since the Cold War: How ambitious, how inhibited?

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Wallace
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Consensus ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Common Policy

The European Union has declared ambitious objectives for a common European foreign policy since the end of the cold war. Through successive revisions of its constitutional treaties, it has built may of the institutions that might support such a common policy. Incremental changes and adaptation through experience of successive crises have strengthened practices of cooperation and consultation. Yet the retention of sovereignty over foreign and defence policy by national governments, and the unwillingness of national governments and parliaments to engage in any EU-wide reconsideration of strategic needs and objectives has left these common institutions without the permissive consensus needed to support effective shared action. National inhibitions about subordinating particular interests and assumptions to a wider European consensus have left the EU institutions without the ability either to promote shared European interests or to act effectively when those interests are threatened.

scholarly journals One Europe or None

2018 ◽  
pp. 35-48
Author(s):  
Richard Sakwa
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Mikhail Gorbachev ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Threat Perceptions ◽  
The Cold War

The European post-Cold War order assumed monist forms. Instead of the geopolitical and ideological diversity sought by Mikhail Gorbachev as he brought the Cold War to an end in the late 1980s, a type of monist cold peace was imposed in which Atlantic security institutions and ideas were consolidated. The monism was both institutional and ideational, and the two reinforced each other in a hermetic order that sought to insulate itself from critique and transformation. Russia was excluded as anything but subaltern. The post-Cold War European peace order was thus built on weak foundations, provoking a cycle of mimetic rivalry. In Russia the fateful dialectic of external challenge and domestic stultification once again operated, heightening the Kremlin’s threat perceptions. Russia’s relations with the European Union (EU) and Washington veered between the cooperative and the confrontational, until settling into a conflictual mode in 2014, as it is argued in the article.

Regional identity and support for integration: An EU-wide comparison of parochialists, inclusive regionalist, and pseudo-exclusivists

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 639-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Brigevich
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Multilevel Analysis ◽  
Regional Identity ◽  
The European Union ◽  
New Regionalism ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Impact

The rise of “new regionalism” is one of the most salient features of the post-Cold War international order. Despite the resurgence of regionalism in Europe, little consensus exists on how regional identity impacts public opinion toward the European Union. To remedy this problem, this study examines the impact of three types of individual-level regional identity on support for integration: parochialism (exclusive regionalism), inclusive regionalism, and pseudo-exclusive regionalism. Contrary to scholarly expectations, the multilevel analysis reveals that inclusive regionalists are as equally Eurosceptic as parochial regionalists. In general, regional identity depresses support for integration unless it is expressly combined with a supranational identity. This finding holds true even in minority nations, where respondents are, on the whole, less Euro-friendly.

IBM's Tiny Peripheral: Finland and the Tensions of Transnationality

2018 ◽  
Vol 92 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petri Paju ◽  
Thomas Haigh
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Knowledge Sharing ◽  
Technological Innovation ◽  
World Trade ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Transnational Identities ◽  
Internal Structures ◽  
European Business ◽  
The Cold War

IBM Finland, a small national subsidiary, was at once a Finnish business and an interface to much larger networks of technological innovation and knowledge sharing. We contextualize its development within a nested set of institutions and identities: IBM's Nordic operations, its European business, and its World Trade Corporation. Its development was profoundly shaped by Finland's unique geopolitical position during the Cold War. IBM's internal structures anticipated and paralleled those of the European Union, with mechanisms for international cooperation, for the creation of transnational identities, and for the resolution and regulation of disputes between national subsidiaries.

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