The Outbreak of the Korean War and the West German Rearmament Debates in the German Evangelical Church (EKD)

2021 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Hyuk Kang ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 245
Author(s):  
Michael M. Sheng ◽  
Michael Hickey
Keyword(s):  
The West ◽  

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Durdona MURODOVA ◽  

Pak Wanso’s work is not only about standard themes, but also about new ones in Korean literature. Pak Wanso himself said he wanted to prevent the Korean War and its aftermath, the number of people killed during the war, and the loss and gain of territory from becoming a mere historical record. Pak Wanso wanted to record the consequences of the war. Pak Wanso commented on the breakdown or weakening of kinship with the influx of individualism from the West. This article discusses the topic of «mother» in modern Korean literature.


1967 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
David P. Mozingo

Since the Korean War, United States policies in Asia have gradually developed along the lines of the “containment” doctrine so successfully applied in Europe after 1947. Washington has increasingly seen the problem of Chinese power in Asia in much the same light as that posed by Soviet power in Europe and has behaved as if both threats could be contained by basically the same kinds of responses. In both Asia and Europe, containment measures have reflected a perceived need for complementary interaction between military policies and aid programs in order to prevent aggression by Communist powers and to foster the internal stability of nations in the area. Although difficulties have arisen in seeking the best balance of these components of the containment policy in Europe, most of the essential American objectives in the West have been attained.


2021 ◽  
pp. 64-81
Author(s):  
Peter Martin

After the end of the Korean War, China sent its diplomats out on a charm offensive to win over global opinion, including sending delegations to the Geneva and Bandung Conferences, where its performance won plaudits in the West and across the developing world. During this period, China also deployed distinctively communist techniques in its diplomacy, including the use of “united front” tactics to charm influential social groups in countries where China didn’t yet have formal diplomatic ties. Many of the tools Chinese diplomats practiced during the 1950s are taking on renewed prominence in its foreign policy today as China seeks to increase its influence around the world.


2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nan Kim

By late December 2010, the truculence of brinkmanship between the two Koreas made it easy to forget that more auspicious signs of compromise had come as recently as this past autumn. The resumption of reunions among separated Korean families in late October and early November appeared to signal a modest improvement in inter-Korean cooperation, raising hopes that a program of cross-border family meetings would not only continue, but also expand. Yet, those hopes were dashed only weeks later when a military crisis escalated off the west coast of the Korean peninsula. On November 23 in a contested maritime zone, a South Korean military exercise was challenged by a North Korean artillery unit, which escalated the confrontation by shelling a South Korean island—killing four South Koreans including two civilians. In the artillery exchange that followed between the two sides, five North Korean soldiers were killed. The stark contrast between the pathos of the tearful family reunions and the panic and anger following the shelling of Yŏnp'yŏng Island, illustrated how quickly the inter-Korean situation had deteriorated. During the same month when South Korea hosted world leaders at the G-20 summit in Seoul to discuss the state of the global economy and the risks of a brewing “currency war,” the family reunions and deadly artillery attack served as sobering reminders that the Korean War, never formally ended, still continues.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Sandra Wilson

Abstract In the Korean War of 1950-53, U.S. authorities were determined to pursue atrocities perpetrated by North Korean and Communist Chinese forces through legal channels, in keeping with the standards they believed they had set after the Second World War. Yet, their plans foundered in Korea, despite extensive groundwork for prosecutions. Four factors were responsible. First, it was difficult to find reliable evidence and to identify and apprehend suspects. Second, U.S. officials rapidly lost confidence in the idea of prosecuting national leaders. Third, the lack of clear-cut victory in the conflict necessitated a diplomatic solution, which was incompatible with war crimes trials. Fourth, the moral standing of the West, and hence its authority to run trials, was undermined by the large number of atrocities committed by the United Nations side. Thus, the U.S. plan for war crimes trials was dropped without fanfare, to be replaced by an anti-Communist propaganda campaign.


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