scholarly journals Politics in the context of the “Opera question” in the national theatre before the first world war

Muzikologija ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 37-61
Author(s):  
Biljana Milanovic
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Political Life ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Empowerment ◽  
National Theatre ◽  
New Beginning ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
Management Staff ◽  
First World

Part of the history of the National Theatre in Belgrade in the decade before the First World War relates to processes of discontinuity in the professionalization and modernization of the musical section in this institution and its repertoire. It had to do with abrupt changes reflected in three short-lived phases: improvements in musical ensemble and opera performances (1906-1909), the annulment of these efforts and results with a return to the old repertoire, and then again a new beginning once more with a fresh attempt to establish the Opera (1913-14). These dynamics were affected by the social and political context. It was dependent on frequent changes of the Theatre?s management staff whose main representatives had mutually conflicting views on important questions concerning the functioning of their institution. Relations between them were strongly marked by contested political motives. Theatre managers were appointed by ministers of education who could also be relieved of their posts, and members of the management staff were always active in political parties. These facts acted as a decisive factor in their communication which was similar to the behaviour and customs of public political life where an opponent is seen as an enemy, not as a partner in solving common problems. Critical and polemical discourses on important aspects of organization and programme strategy of the Theatre were burdened by political rivalry which also found its place in discussions on the cultivation of music. Questions relating to music were considered in a declarative way, so that music was instrumentalized as a means of political empowerment. The facts about music in the National Theatre raise many issues related to aspects of modernization, national identification, transfers of ?high? and popular musical cultures as well as to other problems of social, historical and cultural contexts that were intertwined in the operation of the Theatre. The context of political problems in the National Theatre opens some important topics discussed in the text: the discontinuous process of the development of the musical ensemble and its repertoire in conditions of changing management staff; prominent musical professionals and ideologists of cultural life and their relations to the musical and dramatic repertoire as well as to their audiences; potential Belgrade audience reception and their reactions to the musical and dramatic repertoire of the National Theatre. An integral analysis of these may show inconsistency between ideological and artistic intentions of individuals and the needs of the audience during the course of modernization.

G.A. Landau on the Twilights of Europe

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 309-314
Author(s):  
Kirill A. Solovyov
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Direct Predecessor ◽  
The Masses ◽  
First World ◽  
European Civilization ◽  
Legal Processes

In the center of the article author’s attention is the book “Twilight of Europe” by G. A. Landau, which is sometimes regarded as direct predecessor of O. Spengler’s works. The article is devoted to G. A. Landau’s views on the nature of political, social, and legal processes in Europe after the First World War. The special attention is paid to the circumstances that Landau believed to be the signs of European civilization ill-being: the collapse of empires, nationalism, and the inclusion of the masses in the political life. Accordingly, the emphasis is placed on Landau’s evaluation of such concepts as “militarism”, “empire”, “nation”, etc.

scholarly journals MOSCOW «ODYSSEY» OF A SERBIAN COLONEL. RUSSIAN-SERBIAN MILITARY-ECONOMIC COOPERATION ON THE EVE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-99
Author(s):  
Ya.V. Vishnjakov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Cooperation ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
Danube Region ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
First World

The article is devoted to the little-studied issue of the peculiarities of Russian-Serbian economic ties. The author argues that the Russian-Austrian relations in the Balkan region were not only in the nature of political rivalry, but were associated with the general economic interests of Russia in the Danube region.

Partito, rivoluzione e guerra. Il linguaggio politico di un transfuga: Nicola Bombacci (1879-1945)

2009 ◽  
pp. 155-175
Author(s):  
Steven Forti
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Language ◽  
The Social ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

- Nicola Bombacci was an important PSI's leader during the First World War and the biennio rosso (1919-1920). After his expulsion from the PCd'I, of which was one of the founders, he approached fascism and became one of the last supporters of it since he had been shooted by partisans and died in Como Lake, and had been exposed in Loreto Square beside to Mussolini. After a short historical mention of the Bombacci's political life, these pages will analyse deeper the question of the passage from the left to fascism in interwar Italy, through the analyse of his political language. The method executed in order to analyse the question foresees the use of a biography by dates and the identification of the political interpretation's categories, which permit to carry out a comparison between the social-communist and fascist period. In conclusions, the article proposes a thesis of interpretation: the political passion.Parole chiave: Fascismo, Nazione, Rivoluzione, Classe, Guerra, Passione politica Fascism, Nation, Revolution, Class, War, Political passion

scholarly journals Faithful but unfortunate: Churchill and his shoulder

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-8
Author(s):  
Andrew L Wallace
Keyword(s):  
Surgical Approach ◽  
Gold Standard ◽  
First World War ◽  
Historical Record ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
Political Life ◽  
World War ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

The centenary of the end of the First World War allows an opportunity to reflect on the lessons learned from dissent, not only in political life but also in shoulder surgery. It is not commonly known that the young Winston Churchill had an unstable shoulder that was to affect him from his younger days into his later career. Although he chose to treat his shoulder problem conservatively, one of his contemporaries, ASB Bankart proposed a surgical approach that has come to be the ‘gold standard' of management of the unstable shoulder. This paper reviews the historical record of Churchill's shoulder instability and the lessons he learned from his experience.

scholarly journals Fabianism and Guild Socialism: Two Views of Democracy

1978 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 224-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony W. Wright
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
First World War ◽  
Political Life ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The World ◽  
Major Exception ◽  
Parliamentary Politics ◽  
Political Vocabulary ◽  
First World

In this century British socialism has rarely engaged in serious internal debate about the fundamental concepts of its political vocabulary. In this respect, as in others, British socialism has been true to the wider traditions of British political life. There has, of course, been much vigorous controversy on policy and programme, but also a remarkable absence of genuine doctrinal debate, certainly as compared with continental socialisms. A major exception to this, however, is to be found in the decade which has the First World War at its centre. Indeed, this may be regarded as the most creative period in British socialist thought in the twentieth century (notwithstanding the superficially more turbulent 1930's); and it is a period which ends, interestingly, in the early 1920's, when Labour becomes securely established in the world of parliamentary politics.

scholarly journals Het tumultueuze politieke leven van Leo Augusteyns. Radicaal-liberaal en Vlaamsgezind volksvertegenwoordiger (1906-1919), activist, Vlaams-nationalist, antifascist

2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-173
Author(s):  
Harry Van Velthoven
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
World War ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Liberal Group ◽  
First World ◽  
Member Of Parliament

Tot vlak voor 1914 stond de liberale arbeidersbeweging, mee opgebouwd door vader Augusteyns, in Antwerpen sterker dan zijn socialistische en christendemocratische concurrenten. Toen het ziekenfonds Help U Zelve zich onder de naam Liberale Volkspartij als politieke deelgroep organiseerde en in 1906 binnen de liberale partij het recht op een volksvertegenwoordiger afdwong, schoof zij Leo Augusteyns naar voren. Hij zou zich als radicaal liberaal, republikein en flamingant doen gelden, wat tot grote spanningen met de Antwerpse liberale boegbeelden leidde. De Eerste Wereldoorlog betekende een keerpunt. Augusteyns zou blijk geven van een gematigd activisme. In 1919 werd hij veroordeeld en verloor hij zijn politieke rechten. Hij werd in eerste instantie Vlaams-nationalist. Maar ook binnen die beweging nam hij een aparte positie in, want hij zou de fascistische wending ervan tot op het laatst fel bekampen. Tevergeefs en zijn politieke relevantie werd steeds kleiner. Zijn houding tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog had overigens de Liberale Volkspartij zwaar verdeeld. Binnen het Antwerpse liberalisme verloor ze veel van haar voordien contesterende en rebelse houding.________The tumultuous political life of Leo Augusteyns: radical-Liberal and Pro-Flemish Member of Parliament (1906-1919), activist, Flemish-nationalist, antifascistUntil just before 1914 the liberal workers' movement, which father Augusteyns helped to develop, was stronger in Antwerp than its Socialist and Christian-Democrat competitors. When the health insurance 'Help U Zelve' ('Help yourself') organised itself into a political subgroup named the Liberal People's Party and enforced its entitlement to a Parliamentary representative within the Liberal Party, they put forward Leo Augusteyns. He was to assert himself as a radical liberal, a Republican and Pro-Flemish, which was to create major tensions with the Antwerp liberal standard bearers. The First World War signified a turning point. Augusteyns was to display a moderate activism. In 1919 he was convicted and he lost his political rights. At first he became a Flemish-Nationalist. But even in that movement he occupied a separate position, for he was to fight against the fascist turn of the party until the end. It was in vain and his political relevance continued to diminish. In fact, his attitude during the First World War had caused great divisions within the Liberal People's Party. Within the Antwerp Liberal Group it lost much of its previously contesting and rebellious attitude.

De invloed van de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen op de nationale politieke machtskonstellatie

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-475
Author(s):  
Bert De Bakker ◽  
Mieke Claeys-Van Haegendoren
Keyword(s):  
National Level ◽  
First World War ◽  
Political Life ◽  
World War ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
National Union ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Government ◽  
First World

According to the standards of public law, municipal polls have only a local scope : the election of a common council. Do politicians make deductions concerning the formal political power-constellation on national level either from the approach of municipal elections or from their results ? Can these elections lead to changes in or of the government and eventually to anticipated legislative elections ?After the first world-war, the electorate was called eight times to vote for new common councillors. Half of these elections (1921, 1926, 1938 and 1958) had no influence on the national power-constellation :they hardly stirred the national political life. In 1958 any possible influence of the municipal elections was even a priori ruled out. A remarkable point is that all municipal elections which took place undergovernments of national union (1921, 1926 and 19 38) , were only of local importance.Since the first world-war not a single municipal election has led to changes within the government : there was never a redistribution of ministerial portfolios amongst the coalitionpartners, nor did any electioncause the dismissal of an individual minister.It is traditional in Belgian politics that the national opposition, when the results of municipal elections are in its favour and prejudicial to the party (parties) in office (1946, 1952 and 1964), tries to call in question the legitimacy of the government in the opinion of the public by the way of motions or interpellations in parliament, claiming dismissal of the government or anticipated legislative elections. At these occasions it appeared unimportant whether the parliamental majority were confortable or not. But never did the governments give in to these attempts.The elections of 1857, 1884 and 1932 constitute an element of power - although of subsidiary importance - in the discharge of the then governments. The governmental crisis of 1884 however can only be explained if the constitutional position of Leopold II is taken into account. With all other factors alike, such a crisis wouldn't arise any more in the context of to-day. The municipal elections of 1932 have moreover led to anticipated legislative elections whose date was an element of power in the election-process. At that time, these elections played the part of an indicator of the electorial condition, comparable to that of the by elections in Great-Britain. And an unreliable indicator too, in view of the difference between national and local electionstatures.

scholarly journals Nation, Race, and Religious Identity in the Early Nazi Movement

Religions ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (10) ◽  
pp. 303
Author(s):  
Derek Hastings
Keyword(s):  
Religious Identity ◽  
First World War ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
World War ◽  
Catholic Faith ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
First World ◽  
Shed Light

This paper examines the dissemination of radical nationalist and racist ideas among Catholics within the early Nazi movement in Munich. While the relationship between the Nazi regime and the Catholic faith was often antagonistic after 1933, a close examination of the earliest years of the Nazi movement reveals a different picture. In the immediate aftermath of the First World War and within the specific context of Munich and its overwhelmingly Catholic environs, early Nazi activists attempted to resacralize political life, synthesizing radical völkisch nationalism with reformist, “modern” conceptions of Catholic faith and identity. In so doing, they often built on ideas that circulated in Catholic circles before the First World War, particularly within the Reform Catholic movement in Munich. By examining depictions of nation and race among three important Catholic groups—reform-oriented priests, publicists, and university students—this paper strives not only to shed light on the conditions under which the Nazi movement was able to survive its tumultuous infancy, but also to offer brief broader reflections on the interplay between nationalism, racism, and religious identity. The article ultimately suggests it was specifically the malleability and conceptual imprecision of those terms that often enhanced their ability to penetrate and circulate effectively within religious communities.

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