scholarly journals Monetary reform in Rusia 1922-1924.

2012 ◽  
pp. 401-419
Author(s):  
Grigorjevic Zverev

The article offers a chronological and analytic review of the monetary reform in the Soviet Russia in the period 1922-1924. The author thoroughly discusses the economic and monetary situation in Russia before the reform, starting with the period before the First World War, during the war, the revolution and the civil war that followed. A special emphasis is given to the representatives of the new, Bolshevik government headed by Lenin. The article offers a detailed description how the new government managed to cope with such a monetary chaos, with several currencies of different value and stability, and introduce a monetary reform with a hard currency as one of the most important preconditions of the stability of entire economy and economic development.

Author(s):  
Philip Morgan

This article takes an unashamedly political line on Italian fascist economic policies, on the grounds that fascism without the politics is barely fascism at all. It attempts to outline what was ‘fascist’ about the running of the Italian economy during the fascist era. The concern throughout is to articulate what fascism's efforts to control the national economy tell people about the nature of fascism, rather than about the nature of Italian economic development. After the First World War, the corporations' job was, under the totalitarian regime's auspices, to bury for good counter-productive and divisive class conflict, by forcing the various human factors of production to cooperate in the national interest of maximizing economic output.


2020 ◽  
pp. 55-69
Author(s):  
Tauno Saarela

The Socialist Workers’ Party of Finland (SSTP) was a unique case in the division of the labour movements during and after the First World War. In many European countries, a left-wing social democratic or socialist group or party was established during the war, while in Finland the division took place only after the Civil War in 1918. The fact that a socialist party was only established after the division into social democrats and communists had taken place was also particular to Finland. The close cooperation of the SSTP with the illegal communist party residing in Soviet Russia and the party’s rejection of the Social Democrats were due to their differing interpretations of the Civil War and not their positions on the First World War. In Finland, the acceptance of many of the principals of the Communist International did not cause internal splits within the SSTP as it did in Germany, France, Italy, Sweden and Norway. However, in addition to the rigorous criticism of the victors of the Civil War, it contributed to the difficulties the SSTP faced in its work and to the party’s ultimate dissolution. Paradoxically, the party was dissolved at a time when its involvement in the issues of Finnish society became more significant.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 68-72
Author(s):  
Inna Yu. Semenova

In post-revolutionary Russia, the scale of child homelessness and adolescent neglect, which resulted from October 1917, the events of the First World War and the Civil War, devastation of the national economy, unemployment, the mass spread of social diseases and other social upheavals, caused serious concern to the Government of the country. A number of legislative acts are adopted that create a legal and organizational basis for combating the social evil of homelessness (creation of children’s militia, children’s social inspections, commissions on juvenile affairs, labor communes and camps, orphanages, remand houses, as well as the emergence of public organizations). A separate area of the authorities’ work in this direction is massive organization of child care and foster care institutions throughout the country; in a number of national regions, including the Chuvash ASSR, the number of orphanages and children’s towns partially solved the problem of homelessness growth, but did not eliminate it. The conducted research reveals the contribution of Zavolzhsky House № 2 under the Ministry of Education of the Chuvash ASSR in solving the problems of combating, preventing and eliminating the social evil of homelessness in the Chuvash Region. Timely measures for organizing the life of orphans and semi-orphans made it possible to consider the Chuvash ASSR a region that successfully coped with the state task of eliminating homelessness in the Soviet Russia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-40
Author(s):  
Vesa Vares

Abstract The article deals with the situation of a small, newly- and uncertainly independent country that had a peculiar experience in the year 1918. The country had declared its independence in December 1917, had received the recognition from Soviet Russia, the Nordic countries, Germany and its allies, and France in January 1918. Almost simultaneously, it drifted to a civil war, in which both the Germans and the Russians participated. However, the Civil War was mainly a domestic concern, and the outcome was the defeat of an attempt at a socialist revolution and the victory of an extremely pro-German government that even elected a German king in Finland in October 1918. The project was never fulfilled, but the experience left an exceptional, pro-German mental heritage, to which the terms of the armistice of November 1918 was a shock. They were seen as unjust, revengeful and even petty—both by the Finnish “Whites” (non-socialists) and the “Reds” (socialists). The Versailles Treaty in 1919 did not directly concern Finland. However, it might have done so in the question of Finnish borders, which was still partly unresolved—both in the west (a strife with Sweden over the Åland Islands) and in the east (ethnically Finnish Eastern Karelia). Moreover, the Allies were uncertain whether Finland should be considered Scandinavian or Baltic. Britain and the United States had not yet recognized Finland’s independence, so in order to secure independence and territorial integrity, the Finns had to adjust to the Allies’ demands and actively drive a Western-oriented policy. This was done for the same reason why the German orientation had been previously adapted—the threat of Russia and revolution—but it was psychologically strenuous for some political circles because they felt that there was an element of dishonorable opportunism to it. However, they could offer no alternative in a situation in which a newborn state had to secure its independence and legitimacy in New Europe, adjusting to disappointments and demands.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Alp Yenen

Through bilateral treaties between Moscow, Ankara, Tehran and Kabul, revolutionary diplomacy shaped the ‘Northern Tier’ of the Middle East in the early 1920s. This article argues that the infamous Young Turk leaders, though in exile after the First World War, remained at the centre of a significant moment in transnational revolutionary diplomacy in Eurasia. Based on a hitherto underutilised collection of published and unpublished private papers in juxtaposition with other archival sources, this article illustrates the working of a dual process of internationalism. While campaigning for Muslim internationalism, the Young Turk leaders were able to partake in international politics, but ironically reduced their own legitimacy and capacity as non-state actors by championing revolutionary bilateralism between Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan and Soviet Russia.


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