scholarly journals To the Question of Social-Economic Development of South Caucasus During the First World War

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 16-22
Author(s):  
A.M. Ismailova ◽  
◽  
J. Kasymov ◽  
Author(s):  
George Gotsiridze

The work discusses the legacy of the First World War - its positive and negative sides - which played an important role in the formation of the world processes in the post-war period and still preserves its viability.The actuality of the problem is backed by the fact that the relationship of the Trans-caucasian countries with the outer world is still problematic nowadays. We witness how the world’s political and economic map is changing and technical-scientific progress is tangible. In the conditions of the accelerated global processes, a general political, economic and cultural area is being formed, and a new world order is being formed with its difficulties, social catastrophes or cataclysms, conflicts, divergence and integration. At this time, it is of utmost importance to analyze historical problems from the past and seek ways to resolve them in the political relations of the South Caucasus, as in their attitude towards the outside world, understanding that unity is a necessary guarantee of strengthening the statehood of each country and that the perception of the Transcaucasia by the rest of the world as a unified political and economic sphere will simplify the Euro - Atlantic integration. The issue is discussed from the new humanitarian perspectives, which gives us the opportunity to determine the national verticals from experience received centuries ago, around which local or regional political consciousness should be unified in order to satisfy the national interests of each country in the Transcaucasia through closer cooperation.


Author(s):  
Philip Morgan

This article takes an unashamedly political line on Italian fascist economic policies, on the grounds that fascism without the politics is barely fascism at all. It attempts to outline what was ‘fascist’ about the running of the Italian economy during the fascist era. The concern throughout is to articulate what fascism's efforts to control the national economy tell people about the nature of fascism, rather than about the nature of Italian economic development. After the First World War, the corporations' job was, under the totalitarian regime's auspices, to bury for good counter-productive and divisive class conflict, by forcing the various human factors of production to cooperate in the national interest of maximizing economic output.


Author(s):  
George Gotsiridze

The work discusses the legacy of the First World War - its positive and negative sides - which played an important role in the formation of the world processes in the post-war period and still preserves its viability.The actuality of the problem is backed by the fact that the relationship of the Transcaucasian countries with the outer world is still problematic nowadays. We witness how the world’s political and economic map is changing and technical-scientific progress is tangible. In the conditions of the accelerated global processes, a general political, economic and cultural area is being formed, and a new world order is being formed with its difficulties, social catastrophes or cataclysms, conflicts, divergence and integration. At this time, it is of utmost importance to analyze historical problems from the past and seek ways to resolve them in the political relations of the South Caucasus, as in their attitude towards the outside world, under-standing that unity is a necessary guarantee of strengthening the statehood of each country and that the perception of the Transcaucasia the rest of the world as a unified political and economic sphere will simplify the Euro Atlantic integration. The issue is discussed from the new humanitarian perspectives, which gives us the opportunity to determine the national verticals from experience received centuries ago, around which local or regional political consciousness should be unified in order to satisfy the national interests of each country in the Transcaucasia through closer cooperation.


1991 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guy Alchon

“We are, most of us,” Mary Van Kleeck said in November 1957, “getting too old to talk.” Near the end of more than two hours of interrogation by officials of the State Department's Passport Office, Van Kleeck tried to impress upon her questioners the commitment to social research and to social justice that underlay her career. The Passport Office, however, was more concerned about her Communist front and party affiliations, and she was in their offices that Thursday morning appealing their refusal to renew her passport. She was seventy-three years old and retired from public life. She wanted to travel, as had been her practice, to Holland, her ancestral home and the home of her closest friends. “I date way back of you young people,” she told her two interrogators. “I think the work of my generation and our attitudes in international affairs is one of sympathy … to developments in other countries.” But, she continued, “I don't think you people who don't know the period prior to the First World War can possibly see how deep our concern is.”


2012 ◽  
pp. 401-419
Author(s):  
Grigorjevic Zverev

The article offers a chronological and analytic review of the monetary reform in the Soviet Russia in the period 1922-1924. The author thoroughly discusses the economic and monetary situation in Russia before the reform, starting with the period before the First World War, during the war, the revolution and the civil war that followed. A special emphasis is given to the representatives of the new, Bolshevik government headed by Lenin. The article offers a detailed description how the new government managed to cope with such a monetary chaos, with several currencies of different value and stability, and introduce a monetary reform with a hard currency as one of the most important preconditions of the stability of entire economy and economic development.


1984 ◽  
Vol 17 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 140-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernest A. Menze

This paper examines the war aims advocated during the First World War by Lujo Brentano, one of the founding members of the Verein für Sozialpolitik, the organization serving as the forum for the sociopolitical activities of the Kathedersozialisten. Though Brentano's career has been surveyed, James J. Sheehan's necessarily brief account of his attitudes and conduct during the First World War does not fully explore the impact of wartime annexationism on Brentano. A lifelong Anglophile and advocate of liberal ideals in social, economic, and political questions, Brentano serves as a case study of the impact of nationalism in times of stress on individuals who, on the basis of their previous record, might have been expected to be more resistant to its appeals.


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