The History of North America. Volume XX. Island Possessions of the United States

1908 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 886
Author(s):  
W. F. Willoughby ◽  
Francis Newton Thorpe ◽  
Albert Edward McKinley
2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louis Balthazar

This paper's objective is to bring forth some elements which confirm the following hypothesis : Canada is consigned to continentalism, namely to economic and cultural integration with the United States though this fact is shrouded in a Canadian nationalism of sorts. The continentalist mentality is rooted in the history of British North America, inhabited mostly by refugees from America who have remained inherently "Yankees" in spite of their anti-americanism. The Confederation itself is based on a sort of complicity with the United States. More recently there were talks of a "North American nationality", and continentalism both cultural and economic has come to be seen as a 'force of nature" which the governments, at the most, put into a chanelling process. Still, it is possible for Canadian nationalism to exist provided it does not go beyond the threshold whence it would run headlong into the continental mentality. Canada has defined itself through an international or non-national perspective far too long for today's nationalism not to remain weak and poorly established. But the Americans whose "manifest destiny" has succeeded in spreading over Canada without even their having tried to hoist their flag there find it to their advantage to maintain some form of Canadian sovereignty. Canada as a "friendly nation" can be of use to Washington. That is why there are almost as many advocates for Canada's independence in the United States as there are north of the border. Canadian nationalism can thus further the interests of some Canadian elites without seriously prejudicing continental integration which can very well afford not to be set up into formalized structures.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-53
Author(s):  
Ted Binnema

The importance of decisions regarding the allocation of jurisdiction over Indigenous affairs in federal states can only be understood well when studied transnationally and comparatively. Historians of Canada appear never to have considered the significance of the fact that the British North America Act (1867) gave the Canadian federal government exclusive jurisdiction over Indian affairs, even though that stipulation is unique among the constitutional documents of comparable federal states (the United States and Australia). This article explains that the constitutional provisions in Canada, the United States, and Australia are a product of the previous history of indigenous-state relations in each location, but also profoundly affected subsequent developments in each of those countries. Despite stark differences, the similar and parallel developments also hint at trends that influenced all three countries.


2020 ◽  
pp. 357-394
Author(s):  
Duncan Bell

This concluding chapter steers a different course, reflecting on some of the ways that time and history have underpinned visions of Anglo-America. It outlines a discourse of racial union which was usually predicated on a specific account of both space and historical temporality. The chosen people — whether designated Aryan, Teutonic, Anglo-Saxon, or English-speaking — was imagined as superior to all others, their greatness ordained by their unique historical trajectory and extant racial characteristics. They had been, and remained, the pioneers of human progress. This historical story produced stratified global geography: the vanguard of modern humanity was concentrated in specific places, chiefly Britain and its past and present settler colonies in North America and the South Pacific. Ultimately, the chapter discusses W. E. B. Du Bois and T. E. Scholes' ideas about race and empire. While the steampunk literature renarrates the history of Anglo-modernity by erasing the primacy of the United States, Afro-modernists sought to destabilize the historical validation of racial domination, clearing the ground for imagining alternative futures.


Author(s):  
Frank Towers

Today’s political map of North America took its basic shape in a continental crisis in the 1860s, marked by Canadian Confederation (1867), the end of the U.S. Civil War (1865), the restoration of the Mexican Republic (1867), and numerous wars and treaty regimes conducted between these states and indigenous peoples through the 1870s. This volume explores the tumultuous history of North American state-making in the mid-nineteenth century from a continental perspective that seeks to look across and beyond the traditional nation-centered approach. This introduction orients readers by first exploring the meaning of key terms—in particular sovereignty and its historical attachment to the concept of the nation state—and then previewing how contributors interrogate different themes of the mid-century struggles that remade the continent’s political order. Those themes fall into three main categories: the character of the states made and remade in the mid-1800s; the question of sovereignty for indigenous polities that confronted the European-settler descended governments of Canada, Mexico, and the United States; and the interaction between capitalist expansion and North American politics, and the concomitant implications of state making for sovereignty’s more diffuse meaning at the level of individual and group autonomy.


Author(s):  
Doni Whitsett ◽  
Natasha Post Rosow

This chapter focuses on the experiences of women in high demand groups, also known as “cults.” Despite the chapter’s regional focus on North America, particularly the United States, this is a transnational phenomenon with satellite communities throughout the world. The chapter provides a brief history of cults in the United States and highlights the various abuses to which women are subjected, from psychological abuses such as medical neglect, loss of reproductive rights, separation from children, and attachment trauma to physical and sexual violence. The chapter also discusses legal obstacles to remedying these human rights violations, provides resources for assistance, and makes suggestions for advocacy.


Prospects ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 485-511
Author(s):  
Joshua David Bellin

Critics seeking a paradigmatic moment in the history of Indian-white encounter will find few more suitable than the following from the life of Black Hawk, the Sauk rebel, U.S. prisoner of war, and subject if not author of the Life of Ma-Ka-Tai-Me-She-Kia-Kiak or Black Hawk (1833). The episode, reported by Thomas McKenney and James Hall in The Indian Tribes of North America (1836–44), occurred after Black Hawk's brief, spectacular resistance to removal had been violently quelled; after he had been taken on a humbling tour of the East; and after his rival, Keokuk, had been installed by the United States as tribal chief. McKenney and Hall pick up the story at the conference where Keokuk's ascendancy is announced:They were then told by major Garland, that the President considered Keokuk the principal chief of the nation, and desired he should be acknowledged as such; he expected Black Hawk would listen, and conform to this arrangement. … From some mistake of the interpreter, Black Hawk understood that he was ordered to submit to the advice of Keokuk, and became greatly excited. Losing all command of himself he arose, trembling with anger, and exclaimed: “I am a man — an old man. I will not obey the counsels of anyone! I will act for myself; no one shall govern me. …”Keokuk, in a low tone, said to him: “Why do you speak thus before white men? You trembled — you did not mean what you said.


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