Political Socialization and the High School Civics Curriculum in the United States

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 852-867 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth P. Langton ◽  
M. Kent Jennings

Attempts to map the political development of individuals inevitably become involved with the relative contribution of different socialization agencies throughout the life cycle. Research has focused to a large extent on the family and to a much lesser degree on other agents such as the educational system. At the secondary school level very little has been done to examine systematically the selected aspects of the total school environment. To gain some insight into the role of the formal school environment, this paper will explore the relationship between the civics curriculum and political attitudes and behavior in American high schools.A number of studies, recently fortified by data from Gabriel Almond and Sidney's Verba's five-nation study, stress the crucial role played by formal education in the political socialization process.[None of the other variables] compares with the educational variable in the extent to which it seems to determine political attitudes. The uneducated man or the man with limited education is a different political actor from the man who has achieved a high level of education.1Such conclusions would not have greatly surprised the founders of the American republic, for they stressed the importance of education to the success of democratic and republican government. Starting from its early days the educational system incorporated civic training. Textbooks exposing threats to the new republic were being used in American schools by the 1790's. By 1915, the term “civics” became associated with high school courses which emphasized the study of political institutions and citizenship training.2

1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Marsh

Political socialization research has been characterized by a number of poorly documented but widely accepted generalizations. In particular, it has been assumed that indetgenarational consistency in political attitudes is the usual, if not the inevitable, outcome of the political socialization process in Western democracies.


Author(s):  
Peter K. Hatemi ◽  
Christopher Ojeda

Abstract Most of what is known regarding political socialization treats parent–child concordance as evidence of transmission. This direct-transmission approach remains agnostic regarding how socialization occurs, whether traits have a role in a child's ability to identify and understand their parent's values or their motivation to adopt their parents’ values. This article advances a perception-adoption approach to unpack these microprocesses of socialization. The authors test their model using three independent studies in the United States that together comprise 4,852 parent–child dyads. They find that the transmission of partisan orientations from parent to child occurs less than half the time, which is qualitatively different from the generally held view. More importantly, the findings provide a greater understanding of how key predictors facilitate the political socialization process. Specifically, politicization improves child perception, but has no role in the child's motivation to adopt parental values. Closeness and parental value strength influence children to want to be like their parents, but do nothing to improve children's ability to recognize their parents' values. And education, previously thought to have little role in transmission, does not influence a child's ability to understand their parent's affiliation, but appears to make children more likely to reject whatever they believe it to be.


Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Sharrow

Between 2020 and 2021, one hundred and ten bills in state legislatures across the United States suggested banning the participation of transgender athletes on sports teams for girls and women. As of July 2021, ten such bills have become state law. This paper tracks the political shift towards targeting transgender athletes. Conservative political interests now seek laws that suture biological determinist arguments to civil rights of bodies. Although narrow binary definitions of sex have long operated in the background as a means for policy implementation under Title IX, Republican lawmakers now aim to reframe sex non-discrimination policies as means of gendered exclusion. The content of proposals reveal the centrality of ideas about bodily immutability, and body politics more generally, in shaping the future of American gender politics. My analysis of bills from 2021 argues that legislative proposals advance a logic of “cisgender supremacy” inhering in political claims about normatively gendered bodies. Political institutions are another site for advancing, enshrining, and normalizing cis-supremacist gender orders, explicitly joining cause with medical authorities as arbiters of gender normativity. Characteristics of bodies and their alleged role in evidencing sex itself have fueled the tactics of anti-transgender activists on the political Right. However, the target of their aims is not mere policy change but a state-sanctioned return to a narrowly cis- and heteropatriarchal gender order.


1983 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 16-19
Author(s):  
Jack O'Neill

Probably the fundamental criticism within the discipline concerning conventional classroom interaction dynamics comes from our sister subsidiary, political socialization. This criticism takes two forms. One version focuses on the teacher's classroom role behavior. Dawson and Prewitt, for example argue that the democratic or authoritarian leadership style of an instructor is the one aspect of the teacher's role considered most important to the political socialization process. The instructor may or may not stress “disciplined learning of the material presented, rigid adherence to rules, and a deferential attitude toward himself as the authority figure.” The authors continue: The crucial notion for political socialization is that these conditions affect the political outlook of the students. Democratic leadership by the teacher fosters attitudes and skills consonant with democratic values. The authoritarian teacher induces his charges to think according to hierarchy and deference to power.


1961 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 134-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Leeds

Few courses in anthropology have been taught as such at the high school level in the United States. Nevertheless, both in high schools and in elementary schools, and more particularly in the private schools, information which the anthropologists consider their own special interest has been used. Thus, children may be taught information about the Eskimo, apparently the favorite culture to represent the non-Western world and almost undoubtedly the only primitive one existing in the curriculum-makers' Baedeker, although an occasional bow in made to the American plains or Southwest. Now and then, studies of the major Asian countries are made whose focus is cultural rather than properly geographical. Other cultures, ranging up to the most complex, ordinarily appear to be brought into a curriculum more as functions of the description of the locations inhabited by humans than as descriptions, informed by some conception as to the nature of culture, of the specific cultures themselves. In short, one may safely assert, I believe, that the students get some sense of the variations exhibited by societies but mostly as curiosa and oddities of peculiar peoples. They do not get a sense of the cultural necessities of variation and differences as these derive from the technological articulations with environment. Rather, variation and differences are presented as if they were more or less accidentally associated with particular kinds of geographic features. Children appear rarely to be taught that there is such a class of events as technologies which can systematically be studied like geography or economics. Rather, they become familiar only with technical activities which they see as scattered hither and yon rather planlessly on the earth's far-away surfaces, activities such as camel-herding here, rice-paddy planting there. Certainly they get no sense of the effects of technology as a formal determinant of social structure and as conditioners of ideologies; far less are they presented, or do they achieve, a notion of culture as a total system. Much less are they led to see culture as a system which operates by its own laws, which has its own distinguishing characteristics and process, and whose variants cannot be reduced to any known ultimate value hierarchy. Thus, by learning mere esoterica, they are prevented from learning the fundamental first step required of all anthropologists, the scientific and ethical principle of cultural relativism. Consequently, too, they are prevented from learning the kind of perspective on world, culture, and self which anthropology can afford.


Author(s):  
Michael McDonald ◽  
◽  
Yulei Pang

This paper will discuss the correlation between the SAT and the Math Inventory Test. Many school districts adopted the Math Inventory as a tool to measure student growth from grades kindergarten through high school. The Math Inventory is a computer-administered test that gives students math problems spanning from counting to high school level math. When completed, the students are given a quantile measure, much like a Lexile score for reading skill. The purpose of this study is to figure out if success on the Math Inventory is a good indicator for performing well on the SAT. For most high schools around the United States, objectives and lessons are aligned with those of the SAT. The goal of high school teachers is for students to excel on the SAT so that they can go to college, which means the tests used in middle school should be aligned with that goal. If the Math Inventory is not, then it might not be a very good use of school time and resources. Data was analyzed from the 2017-2018 school year from ten different high schools in an urban school district to determine the correlation between Math Inventory score, and the math score/sub scores of SAT/PSAT. The value of the Pearson’s correlation coefficient is used to suggest a fairly moderate positive relationship between these two variables.


Author(s):  
Pam L. Epler

The Response to Intervention (RTI) service delivery model has been incorporated at the elementary school level with success but is still lagging behind within the secondary school environment. This chapter demonstrates how two secondary schools, one a middle school and the other a high school, implemented the RTI model efficiently and effectively. The chapter shows that the RTI model can be successfully executed in different ways depending on a school's needs, funding, and personnel. The chapter provides details on the diagnostic practices, data collection methods, intervention strategies, administrative support, and professional development of each implemented model and includes insight from actual teachers and school counselors who participated in the implementations. A reflection on lessons learned from each school site is included.


Author(s):  
Pam L. Epler

The Response to Intervention (RTI) service delivery model has been incorporated at the elementary school level with success but is still lagging behind within the secondary school environment. This chapter demonstrates how two secondary schools, one a middle school and the other a high school, implemented the RTI model efficiently and effectively. The chapter shows that the RTI model can be successfully executed in different ways depending on a school's needs, funding, and personnel. The chapter provides details on the diagnostic practices, data collection methods, intervention strategies, administrative support, and professional development of each implemented model and includes insight from actual teachers and school counselors who participated in the implementations. A reflection on lessons learned from each school site is included.


2016 ◽  
pp. 1100-1117
Author(s):  
Pam L. Epler

The Response to Intervention (RTI) service delivery model has been incorporated at the elementary school level with success but is still lagging behind within the secondary school environment. This chapter demonstrates how two secondary schools, one a middle school and the other a high school, implemented the RTI model efficiently and effectively. The chapter shows that the RTI model can be successfully executed in different ways depending on a school's needs, funding, and personnel. The chapter provides details on the diagnostic practices, data collection methods, intervention strategies, administrative support, and professional development of each implemented model and includes insight from actual teachers and school counselors who participated in the implementations. A reflection on lessons learned from each school site is included.


2020 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zoe M Oxley ◽  
Mirya R Holman ◽  
Jill S Greenlee ◽  
Angela L Bos ◽  
J Celeste Lay

Abstract What do children think about political leaders? In classic political socialization studies of the late 1950s, children tended to hold idealized views of political leaders. In spite of enormous changes in the political landscape, we know little about how these attitudes have changed in the last 60 years. To assess the views of children today, we surveyed over 500 elementary school children (grades 1–6) in the United States. Children no longer possess favorable views of the president. However, the institution of the presidency continues to be held in high esteem.


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