scholarly journals Sports, Transgender Rights and the Bodily Politics of Cisgender Supremacy

Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Sharrow

Between 2020 and 2021, one hundred and ten bills in state legislatures across the United States suggested banning the participation of transgender athletes on sports teams for girls and women. As of July 2021, ten such bills have become state law. This paper tracks the political shift towards targeting transgender athletes. Conservative political interests now seek laws that suture biological determinist arguments to civil rights of bodies. Although narrow binary definitions of sex have long operated in the background as a means for policy implementation under Title IX, Republican lawmakers now aim to reframe sex non-discrimination policies as means of gendered exclusion. The content of proposals reveal the centrality of ideas about bodily immutability, and body politics more generally, in shaping the future of American gender politics. My analysis of bills from 2021 argues that legislative proposals advance a logic of “cisgender supremacy” inhering in political claims about normatively gendered bodies. Political institutions are another site for advancing, enshrining, and normalizing cis-supremacist gender orders, explicitly joining cause with medical authorities as arbiters of gender normativity. Characteristics of bodies and their alleged role in evidencing sex itself have fueled the tactics of anti-transgender activists on the political Right. However, the target of their aims is not mere policy change but a state-sanctioned return to a narrowly cis- and heteropatriarchal gender order.

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 292-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan-Willem van Prooijen ◽  
André P. M. Krouwel

Dogmatic intolerance—defined as a tendency to reject, and consider as inferior, any ideological belief that differs from one’s own—is often assumed to be more prominent at the political right than at the political left. In the present study, we make two novel contributions to this perspective. First, we show that dogmatic intolerance is stronger among left- and right-wing extremists than moderates in both the European Union (Study 1) as well as the United States (Study 2). Second, in Study 3, participants were randomly assigned to describe a strong or a weak political belief that they hold. Results revealed that compared to weak beliefs, strong beliefs elicited stronger dogmatic intolerance, which in turn was associated with willingness to protest, denial of free speech, and support for antisocial behavior. We conclude that independent of content, extreme political beliefs predict dogmatic intolerance.


Author(s):  
Dawn Langan Teele

This chapter presents a case study of women's enfranchisement in the United States. It argues that the formation of a broad coalition of women, symbolized by growing membership in a large non-partisan suffrage organization, in combination with competitive conditions in state legislatures, was crucial to securing politicians' support for women's suffrage in the states. The chapter first gives a broad overview of the phases of the US suffrage movement, arguing that the salience of political cleavages related to race, ethnicity, nativity, and class influenced the type of movement suffragists sought to build. It then describes the political geography of the Gilded Age, showing how the diversity of political competition and party organization that characterized the several regions mirrors the pattern of women's enfranchisement across the states.


1999 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Strom C. Thacker

Analysts have long suspected that politics affects the lending patterns of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), but none have adequately specified or systematically tested competing explanations. This paper develops a political explanation of IMF lending and tests it statistically on the developing countries between 1985 and 1994. It finds that political realignment toward the United States, the largest power in the IMF, increases a country's probability of receiving an IMF loan. A country's static political alignment position has no significant impact during this period, suggesting that these processes are best modeled dynamically. An analysis of two subsamples rejects the hypothesis that the IMF has become less politicized since the end of the cold war and suggests that the influence of politics has actually increased since 1990. The behavior of multilateral organizations is still driven by the political interests of their more powerful member states.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (02) ◽  
pp. 309-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Lavariega Monforti ◽  
Adam McGlynn

AbstractThe breadth of material covered in introductory U.S. government and politics survey courses creates a situation in which the textbooks used may serve as the primary source of information students receive about the country's political system. At the same time, their content represents a conscious choice by the authors, editors, and publishers of these textbooks regarding what topics and content are necessary and worthy of publication, which socializes students to accept particular viewpoints of the formation and operation of the U.S. government. Oftentimes, the information presented in textbooks across subdisciplines ignores the political experiences and influence of racial, ethnic, and other minority groups. We test this premise by engaging in a study of 29 introductory U.S. government and politics textbooks to assess the level of coverage and treatment of Latinos/as, the fastest growing racial/ethnic group in the country. We find that the discussion of Latinos in these textbooks is incredibly brief and often limited to the civil rights chapters. Furthermore, Latinos are primarily mentioned in the discussion of immigration, while their overall contributions to the political development of the United States are largely ignored.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 230
Author(s):  
Akbar Ghafoori

Given that the geography of modern times was one of the most important factors affecting the relations between Iran and Iraq, in this article we have tried to examine the influence of Iraq's new political geography variable factors on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. For this purpose, regardless of the security implications of Iraq's geopolitical constant factors, with placing three variable factors in the political geography means population, natural resources and socio-political institutions in the form of five security variables for Lee Norji. Martin, meaning the political legitimacy, civil rights and ethnic and minorities, military strength, the strength of economic management and natural resources, fifteen areas will be formed (in the annexes, these fifteen areas are in the table). The question that arises here is that what is the impact of Iraq's new political geography on the national security of Iran? The hypothesis that we are looking to review it is that changes in some areas of geopolitical of Iraq, after the United States invaded Iraq, made threats to the national security of Iran. The main objective of this paper is to study Iranian security changes in the first ten areas and to present solutions. Since the Iraq has not achieved stability yet, next five areas need further research and in this article do not occur<strong>.</strong>


This edited volume compares the political systems of the United States and Canada, focusing on the effects of political institutions, and their interaction with political values and other factors, in policymaking. It explores the differences between the American presidential (or separation-of-powers) system and the Canadian parliamentary system. It also considers institutional differences such as federalism, bureaucratic leadership, and judicial definitions of citizens’ rights. It deals mainly with the period from the mid-20th century to the present but also discusses recent developments—especially the Trump presidency. The first section addresses political culture and institutions and considers political values, party and electoral systems, executive leadership and the legislative process, bureaucracy and civil service influence, and federalism. The second section addresses policymaking and outcomes, including economic policy, environmental policy, morality issues, social policy, managing diversity, and selected societal outcomes. The conclusion discusses prospects and challenges for both political systems and finds that policy differences between the two countries have diverse causes—from geography and demography, to political values, to institutional structures. The effects of institutions are often crucial, but they depend heavily on interactions with other political circumstances. Even modest, incremental change in the electoral strength or ideological tendencies of the political parties can transform institutional performance. Thus, Canada’s historic center-left moderation may be on the brink of giving way to wider ideological fluctuation and the U.S. political system was increasingly dysfunctional, even before the election of Donald Trump as president led to chaos in policymaking and the threat of severe constitutional crisis.


Author(s):  
Irene Bloemraad ◽  
Doris Marie Provine

Comparing the United States (U.S.) and Canadian responses to immigration in the context of each country’s civil rights struggles underscores the importance of history, geography, demography, and institutional structures in determining law and policy. Civil rights in the U.S. required a civil war over slavery and created an important role for courts to interpret constitutional mandates of equal treatment. Constitutionally enshrined individual rights came late to Canada and change occurred often through piecemeal legislative and bureaucratic action rather than litigation. Such differences in the trajectory of rights influence differences in immigration policy: active support and management of entry and integration in Canada versus an ambiguous welcome and laissez-faire incorporation in the U.S. Looking to the future, the political system and contentious views on immigration make policymaking difficult in the U.S., while Canadian policymakers enjoy more public support and flexibility as they take on the challenges and opportunities of immigration.


Author(s):  
Garrett Hardin

"Every year Malthus is proven wrong and is buried—only to spring to life again before the year is out. If he is so wrong, why can't we forget him? If he is right, how does he happen to be so fertile a subject for criticism?" I wrote those words in the 1960s in an introduction to an anthology of essays on population. How naive I was! I supposed that the voices that were then sounding the alarm about population growth would at last get the public's attention. And so they did for about a decade during which environmentalists made common cause with populationists. But some of the most influential of the environmental activists viewed population as a dangerous and unwanted diversion from what they conceived to be humanity's true problems. Their stifling of public concern for population problems was reinforced during the Reagan years by self-styled "supply-side economists." Soon the predominent population message broadcast by both the political left and the political right was "Not to worry!" In 1968 ZPG, Inc., was founded to promote zero population growth as an ideal both for the United States and for the world. Its membership was confined mostly to 350 chapters on college campuses. Twenty-one years later, in 1989, the number had shrunk to just nine. Though Paul Ehrlich's The Population Bomb was a bestseller in 1968, worrying about population growth did not become a growth industry. Malthusians saw population growth as a "root cause" of inflation, unemployment, pollution, congestion, unwanted immigration, influxes of heartrending refugees, trade wars, drug wars, and terrorism. Each of these pathologies has many causes; anti-Malthusians belittled population. Common economic experience made it hard to believe that a population gain of 2 to 4 percent per year (which characterizes poor countries) could be serious; the less than one percent annual growth rate found in rich countries seemed even more trifling. Students of population, however, pointed out that the average gain in world population during the past million years has been less than 0.002 percent per year. That "small" rate of increase, operating over a million years, has produced our present five billion people, not a "small" number by any standard. When it comes to rates of increase that are continued indefinitely, no rate that exceeds zero by the most minute amount can be regarded as small.


Reviews: Geography and Regional Administration, French Revolution 1968, The Beginning of the End: France, May 1968, The Student Revolt: The Activists Speak, Obsolete Communism: The Left-Wing Alternative, Resistance: The Political Autobiography of Georges Bidault, The New French Revolution: A Social and Economic Survey of France, 1945–1967, The Government of France, French Politics and Political Institutions, The Army of the Republic: The Role of the Military in the Political and Constitutional Evolution of France, 1871–1914, Parades and Politics at Vichy: The French Officer Corps Under Marshal Petain, La Socialization Politique Des Enfants, French Administrative Law, The French Parliament 1958–1967, Canadian Legislative Behaviour: A Study of the 25th Parliament, La Fonction Parlementaire En Belgique: Mecanismes D'Acces Et Images, Congress: Its Contemporary Role, Congress and Lobbies: Image and Reality, Congressional Ethics: The Conflict of Interest Issue, The Congressional Process: Strategies, Rules, and Procedure, Marxian Socialism in the United States, The American Party Systems, Critics of Society, American Politics: A Radical View, The Democratic Experiment: American Political Theory, The Federalists vs., The Democratic Party in American Politics, Parties and the Governmental System, Jacksonian Democracy and the Working Class, One Man, One Vote, The Art of the Possible: Government and Foreign Policy in Canada, in Defence of Canada: From the Great War to the Great Depression, Canada's Changing Defense Policy, 1957–1963: The Problems of a Middle Power in Alliance, A Samaritan State? External Aid in Canada's Foreign Policy, Canada and the Quest for Peace, The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vols. XI-XXVI (1911–1925), Gandhi, A Study in Revolution, Non-Violence and Aggression, A Study of Gandhi's Moral Equivalent of War, Indian Administration, The Citizen and the Administrator in a Developing Democracy, States' Finances in India, The Foundations of Indian Federalism, Elite Conflict in a Plural Society, West Bengal and the Federalizing Process in India, Party Building in a New Nation, The Political Consequences of Electoral Laws, Economic Planning and Policies in Britain, France and Germany, Communism and the Politics of Development, Internationalism or Russification?, People's Democracy: A Contribution to the Study of the Communist Theory of State and Revolution, The Permanent Crisis: Communism in World Politics, Cohesion and Conflict in International Communism: A Study of Marxist-Leninist Concepts and Their Application, the Communist States and the West, the Communist World: Marxist and Non-Marxist Views, Yearbook on International Communist Affairs, 1966., Soviet Foreign Policy

1969 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 236-265
Author(s):  
B. Keith-Lucas ◽  
N. P. Keatinge ◽  
Robert S. Short ◽  
L. P. O'Sullivan ◽  
Margherita Rendel ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Shalom Goldman

From the days of steamship travel to Palestine to today's evangelical Christian tours of Jesus’s birthplace, the relationship between the United States and the Holy Land has become one of the world’s most consequential international alliances. While the political side of U.S.-Israeli relations has long played out on the world stage, the relationship, as Shalom Goldman shows in this illuminating cultural history, has also played out on actual stages. Telling the stories of the American superstars of pop and high culture who journeyed to Israel to perform, lecture, and rivet fans, Goldman chronicles how the creative class has both expressed and influenced the American relationship with Israel. The galaxy of stars who have made headlines for their trips includes Frank Sinatra, Johnny Cash, Leonard Bernstein, James Baldwin, Barbra Streisand, Whitney Houston, Madonna, and Scarlett Johansson. While diverse socially and politically, they all served as prisms for the evolution of U.S.-Israeli relations, as Israel, the darling of the political and cultural Left in the 1950s and early 1960s, turned into the darling of the political Right from the late 1970s. Today, as relations between the two nations have only intensified, stars must consider highly fraught issues, such as cultural boycotts, in planning their itineraries.


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