The Fate of Human Rights in the Third World

1975 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rupert Emerson

The new Asian and African states have laid much stress on human rights, but have often not lived up to them. The basic right of self-determination has been limited to colonies only. Democratic institutions have generally given way to authoritarian regimes, often run by the military, with popular participation denied rather than encouraged. The right to life, liberty, and security of person has been grossly violated in the cases of millions of refugees, temporary and permanent, in Africa and the Asian subcontinent. Many hundreds of thousands have been killed in domestic conflicts, as in Indonesia, Nigeria, and Burundi. One of the results is the emergence of a double standard: an all-out African and Asian attack upon the denial of human rights involved in colonialism and racial discrimination, but a refusal to face up to massive violations of human rights in the Third World itself.

Author(s):  
Cheryl Higashida

This introductory chapter describes Black internationalist feminism. Black internationalist feminism challenged heteronormative and masculinist articulations of nationalism while maintaining the importance, even centrality, of national liberation movements for achieving Black women's social, political, and economic rights. As a corollary of the Communist Party's Black Belt Nation Thesis—which prioritized African American struggles for equality, justice, and self-determination—women of the Black Left asserted that Black women had special problems that could not be deferred or subsumed within the rubrics of working-class or Black oppression and that in fact were integral to the universal struggle for human rights and economic freedom. Moreover, women of the Black Left understood that essential to the liberation of African Americans, the Third World, and the worldwide proletariat was the fight against heteropatriarchy, which exacerbated oppression within as well as between nations.


Author(s):  
Ulf Johansson Dahre

Ulf Johansson Dahre: Indigenous peoples and the right to self-determination: selfdetermination towards a new meaning? The beginning of the last decade of the 20th century has seen the end of a distinet era in international relations. This era, encompassing the years 1945-1990, was the era of decolonization, in which self-determination was defined or understood in relation to decolonization in the third world. This era also brought a distinet definition of self-determination. Entitled to self-determination were the peoples of European overseas colonies. Minorities and indigenous peoples excluded. However, a redefinition, or an extension of the concept, is ocurring. It is likely that self-determination will become a legal right of indigenous peoples, but not explicitly recognizing secession, but a right to political and social participation within the existing States. In the transition from colonial to postcolonial contexts, self-determination is becoming a means of conflict resolution and a way of pushing for democratic rights, also for indigenous peoples.


2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-448
Author(s):  
Kim Christiaens

AbstractThe overthrow of the democratically elected socialist president Salvador Allende in Chile and the human rights violations under the military junta of Augusto Pinochet spawned one of the most iconic and sustained human rights campaigns of the Cold War. Human rights scholars have argued that this movement on behalf of Chile signalled the “breakthrough” of human rights as the lingua franca of transnational activism. They have emphasized the global dimensions of these campaigns, which inspired movements mobilizing on behalf of other issues in the Third World. However, such narratives have not been corroborated by research on the campaigns as developed in Europe. Historians have so far focused on the impact of the Chilean crisis in specific countries or on particular organizations, and on the ways in which human rights activism was coloured by local and national contexts. This article aims to shift the scope of the debate by establishing relations with and crossovers from other transnational causes and campaigns, analysing the ways in which campaigns on behalf of Chile became intimately related to campaigns on intra-European issues during the 1970s and 1980s. It explores the so far little-studied connections between campaigns over Chile and simultaneously burgeoning movements on behalf of East–West détente, resistance against authoritarian regimes in Southern Europe, and the plight of dissidents in Eastern Europe. It argues that campaigns on behalf of Chile were reconfigured around European themes, created bonds of solidarity within a divided Europe, and drew on analogies rather than a juxtaposition between Europe and the Third World.


Author(s):  
Chinmayi Arun

This chapter details how AI affects, and will continue to affect, the Global South. The term “South” has a history connected with the “Third World” and has referred to countries that share postcolonial history and certain development goals. However, scholars have expanded and refined on it to include different kinds of marginal, disenfranchised populations such that the South is now a plural concept—there are Souths. The AI-related risks for Southern populations include concerns of discrimination, bias, oppression, exclusion, and bad design. These can be exacerbated in the context of vulnerable populations, especially those without access to human rights law or institutional remedies. The chapter then outlines these risks as well as the international human rights law that is applicable. It argues that a human rights–centric, inclusive, empowering context-driven approach is necessary.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document