Co-Ops, Communes & Collectives: Experiments in Social Change in the 1960s and 1970s.

1981 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 693
Author(s):  
Hugh Gardner ◽  
John Case ◽  
Rosemary C. R. Taylor
2016 ◽  
Vol 90 ◽  
pp. 93-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Scodeller

AbstractThis article reconstructs the educational policies of the Latin American Confederation of Christian Trade Unions (CLASC)—the name of which was later changed to the Latin American Central of Workers (CLAT) —in the context of the Latin American Cold War. It provides an empirical description of its pedagogical praxis, showing how it was shaped in constant dialogue with the region's conflictive context. It explores how they viewed political training in relation to both their organizing efforts and struggles, applying a conception that brought together “action, organization and training” as integrated elements, in the run to foster class awareness, build up a “new society,” and “workers’ organized power”.


2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 611-619 ◽  
Author(s):  
Camilo Garcia ◽  
Patricia M. Greenfield ◽  
David Montiel-Acevedo ◽  
Tania Vidaña-Rivera ◽  
Jannethe Colorado

In this article, we explore theory-driven hypotheses linking ecological change with changing patterns of socialization. These studies are part of a larger project begun by Garcia in 2004; it aims to assess the effects of social change on Millard Madsen’s experimental findings concerning social behavior and socialization strategies in different regions of Mexico in the 1960s and 1970s. The present two studies apply Greenfield’s theory of social change and human development to maternal socialization in San Vicente, Baja California, Mexico. As San Vicente’s population, commercial activity, modern technology, and connections (through immigration and television) to the United States grew, maternal socialization shifted. Mothers’ behavior as their children played two beanbag games developed by Madsen and Kagan revealed that, over a 43-year period, San Vicente mothers became less giving while augmenting their use of achievement-promoting behavior in several ways: In Study 1, mothers in 1972 were more generous in giving their children rewards, compared with mothers in 2015; the 2015 mothers had also become more selective in preferentially rewarding children’s successes rather than failures. In Study 2, mothers in 2015 set higher goals for their children than did mothers 43 years earlier.


2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (6) ◽  
pp. 606-608
Author(s):  
Helle Strandgaard Jensen

Author(s):  
Beth E. Schneider ◽  
Janelle M. Pham

The emergence of socialist, radical, and lesbian feminisms during the 1960s was a reaction to, and critique of, liberal feminism. Activists in this women’s liberation branch of the second wave strongly agreed that liberal feminism, with its focus on rights, choice, and personal achievement, was insufficient in its analysis of women’s status and condition. Each of the three strands differed in their analysis of the roots of the problem and in their approaches to social change. This chapter details “the turn” to socialist, radical, and lesbian feminism during the 1960s and 1970s with a focus on the ideological underpinnings, strategies, and organizations, examining the differences between and within each strand. Each of these strands faced varying levels of criticism for their lack of attentiveness to the diversity of women’s experience beyond the interests of a mostly White, middle-class constituency. The chapter concludes with suggestions for future research on these feminisms.


Author(s):  
Kathleen Sprows Cummings

Focused on the 1960s and 1970s, this chapter examines how Lumen Gentium and other documents of the Second Vatican Council intersected with social change to prompt U.S. Catholics to reimagine the lives of their favorite saints. It examines the impact of civil rights and feminism on the stories of Seton, Neumann, Duchesne, and Katharine Drexel. It ends with Seton’s canonization in 1975, positing that U.S. Catholics secured their all-American saint precisely at the moment it ceased to matter, as the original goals of the quest—cementing a connection to Rome and affirming their place in the nation—had been achieved through other means.


2004 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 254-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.E. Peterson

Dhufar, the southern region of the Sultanate of Oman, displays a tremendous diversity in its social structure, rather surprising for an area so small. While the people of the coastal plain and the inland Najd are Arabic-speaking, the mountain highlands of the region are home to various non-Arabic speaking communities. Brief descriptions of these communities are provided, as well as of other non-Arabic-speaking groups that seem to have originated in Dhufar but have moved into the northeastern deserts. Unlike the case in northern Oman, the principal boundaries of Dhufar's ethnic groups lie in language; but, as social change accelerates, this distinction may well disappear in the not-too-distant future. The Dhufar War of the 1960s and 1970s, as well as Oman's socioeconomic change since 1970, have increased physical and social mobility and blurred traditional social distinctions.


Author(s):  
Pamela E. Pennock

In this first history of Arab American activism in the 1960s, Pamela Pennock brings to the forefront one of the most overlooked minority groups in the history of American social movements. Focusing on the ideas and strategies of key Arab American organizations and examining the emerging alliances between Arab American and other anti-imperialist and antiracist movements, Pennock sheds new light on the role of Arab Americans in the social change of the era. She details how their attempts to mobilize communities in support of Middle Eastern political or humanitarian causes were often met with suspicion by many Americans, including heavy surveillance by the Nixon administration. Cognizant that they would be unable to influence policy by traditional electoral means, Arab Americans, through slow coalition building over the course of decades of activism, brought their central policy concerns and causes into the mainstream of activist consciousness. With the support of new archival and interview evidence, Pennock situates the civil rights struggle of Arab Americans within the story of other political and social change of the 1960s and 1970s. By doing so, she takes a crucial step forward in the study of American social movements of that era.


Author(s):  
Bo Wagner Sørensen

The article is based on 40 interviews from fieldwork in 2001 and 2002. It deals with Greenlanders’ views on the development of Nuuk, the capital of Greenland, and the relationship between Nuuk and the rest of Greenland. Contrary to the anti-urban narratives of the 1960s and 1970s, the informants – migrants and locals – like living in a relatively big town such as Nuuk, because it has much more to offer than the smaller places. Contrary to conventional beliefs about Greenlanders, the informants tend to regard social change as only natural and be oriented towards the present and the future rather than the past. Thus it is not a question of people merely surviving, but rather a question of people thriving, in the urban landscape of Nuuk. According to one of the informants, the rest of Greenland would likely be depopulated if the municipality of Nuuk would be able to solve its housing problems. Municipal housing problems, however, are part of the larger issue of regional development, which is highly political due to the legacy of the policy of centralization during the 1960s. This policy is usually associated with the Danish authorities and thus seen as antithetical to a proper Greenlandic policy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document