The Costs of Coalition: Coalition Theories and Italian Governments

1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 534-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol Mershon

Governments in Italy both change and remain the same. From 1946 to 1992 the Christian Democratic Party always held governing power. But almost no cabinet stayed in office more than a few years, and many governments collapsed after only a few months. How can instability coexist with stability in this way? How can governments break up at such low cost and with so little effect on alternation? These questions are rooted in—but not resolved by—the available game-theoretic literature on coalitional behavior. My answer is that politicians' purposive actions can reduce the costs of coalition. I argue that the costs of making, breaking, and maintaining coalitions depend on political institutions and on the array of parties and voters in policy space. Institutional and spatial conditions structure politicians' opportunities and attempts to lower costs. Under some conditions, as I show, coalitions are cheap, and politicians can easily make coalitions even cheaper. The inference is that this framework comprehends both Italy's extremes and the degrees of stability found in other parliamentary democracies.

2017 ◽  
pp. 261-278
Author(s):  
Natalia Papenko

The article considers activity of particular representative of German socialistic movement – Ferdinand Lassalle. Historical figure of this person is connected with the history of German labor movement, the creation of first independent labor organization – the General German Workers’ Association (1863). Historical image of F. Lassalle was for the long time being brightened by historians one-sidedly, through ideological and personal difficulties with K. Marx and F. Engels. Unlike K.Marx, for whom a state and its structures where just superstructure, in other words – social and economic basis, for F.Lassale development of social formation is a natural historical process. K. Marx gambled on revolution, which had to destroy internal contradictions of the society, while F. Lassale gambled on parliament fighting, which, in his opinion, would discover the way to democratic transformations in society. F. Lassalle remains being bright, talented and discrepant person. Generally, his life and activity in the whole will have always been interesting for researchers. The whole of his life he was emphatically espousing the general, equal, straight right to vote, which, to his mind, would eliminate different problems of capitalist system and would promote building of democratic society. He was attracted by the idea of republic and democratic lawful state. F. Lassale had been studying problems of state and power, insisted on meaning of political institutions, role of human factor in history. He thought that constitution is a reflection of correlation of powers in fight for authority. That is why, by the means of agitation and popularization of democratic ideas he was trying to unite the labor movement to greater activity and to rally it. By the beginning of the 60th of XIX century he had been an adherent of democratic lawful state with the republican form of government. In the second half of the 60th he became a supporter of “social monarchy”. During his presidency at the General German Workers’ Association, the principles of authoritarianism were the dominating features of his activity. The General German Workers’ Association, which was created by him, afterwards facilitated the creation of German social democratic party.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 607-622
Author(s):  
Patrick Senaeve

The method for calculating the distribution of seats in Belgium in local elections (called the Imperiali-method) is known as a method that favours stronger lists of candidates and is prejudicial to weaker lists. An exhaustive comparison was made between the results - in terms of distribution of seats - of the local elections of 10 October, 1976 and those that would have resulted from a distribution based upon the D'Hondt-method (which is used for all other elections in Belgium). This comparison shows that the distribution of seats would differ in more than two thirds of the communes. In more than one fourth of the communes parties do not obtain any representative under the present system, whereas they would under the D'Hondt system. Local and leftist parties are primarily prejudiced by the present system, whereas the big christian-democratic party is hardly hampered by it. The court of mayor and aldermen - the commune' s executive - is elected by the local councillors, and as a consequence, the majority in the council obtains all seats in the court. At present, these courts consist of representatives of one single list in 61 % of the communes and of representatives of two or more lists (executive coalition) in 39 % of the communes. On the basis of the D'Hondt-method, existing homogeneous ( i.e., one party-)courts would have to be replaced by coalitions between parties in more than 10 % of the communes.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135406882094977
Author(s):  
Jordan Hamzawi

In 2012, despite controlling more than 60% of all seats in Japan’s lower house, the Democratic Party of Japan had roughly 100 legislators switch parties. The break-up proved so disastrous that the DPJ went defunct and Japan’s steadily developing two-party system utterly collapsed, marking one of the most momentous events in recent Japanese political history. However, there is little systematic understanding what produced this outcome. I leverage a dataset of candidate policy preferences in order to pinpoint what led politicians to take the dramatic step of leaving the ruling party. Through factor analysis and logistic regression, I find that DPJ incumbents with policy preferences significantly different from their party were especially likely to switch and that those preferences predict the party they ultimately chose.


2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 917-938 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Luna ◽  
Felipe Monestier ◽  
Fernando Rosenblatt

Significance Reports leave it unclear whether the meeting lifted the threat, which arose from RS claims that a SIPA raid in Bosanski Novi on December 10 infringed RS jurisdiction. SIPA searched offices and the police station and arrested five Serbs for alleged war crimes committed during the 1992-95 war. Mektic belongs to the Serb Democratic Party, which is in opposition in RS. Not cooperating with central bodies could also be a ploy to frustrate BiH-level investigations of misconduct in RS. Impacts Quarrels between Bosnian Serb politicians are escalating and risk upsetting Bosnia's constitutional and territorial integrity. Since Bosnian Muslims are unwilling to give up any part of Bosnia's territory, a fresh outbreak of violence would probably follow. US and EU mechanisms to protect Bosnia's constitutional and territorial integrity seem to have been abandoned.


Significance The governing Socialist Party (PSSh) under Prime Minister Edi Rama is expected to win again. This implies policy continuity by what has hitherto been a successful reformist government. However, the decision by the opposition Democratic Party (PDSh) to boycott the elections creates significant uncertainty about the process and aftermath. Impacts PDSh’s boycott of parliament is blocking the completion of judicial reforms that require approval by a two-thirds majority of deputies. A PDSh boycott of elections would constitute a failure of political institutions and halt Albania’s progress towards EU integration. Disenfranchising a large constituency would escalate the political crisis and could lead PDSh supporters to resort to violence.


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