Ethnic Conflicts and Peacebuilding in Georgia

The chapter deals with the problem of territorial integrity of Georgia, particularly two adjusted regions, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Today, 20% of Georgian territory is occupied. After the Russian-Georgian War in 2008, things changed radically to the detriment of Georgia's national interests, in particular, the occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia by Russia, their recognition as independent states, and ethnic cleansing of Georgians by disregarding the fundamental principles of international law. All these are known to the international community, and it became visible to the whole world. The issues are in the field of permanent national interests of Georgia. Under such situation, it became necessary to search for new ways of conflict resolution based only upon real politics.

Soviet Russia

The First Democratic Republic of Georgia (1918-1921) left an important mark on the history of the country. One hundred years have passed since the occupation of Georgia by Russian troops. However, during the Soviet era, Soviet propaganda did not portray the incident as such; on the contrary, on February 25, 1921, the day the capital was captured, the country's population celebrated “Sovietization.” During the three years of independence, a lot has been done by the national government for the development of the country, as a result of selfless work in terms of establishing democracy. Thus, the chapter deals with the annexation and conquest of the independent republic of Georgia by Soviet Russia. Especially, it gives the analysis of the events of February-March 1921 which has its reflection even nowadays. Moreover, it clearly illustrates the Russian-Georgian War of 2008, which practically divided the country into three parts and damaged Georgia's territorial integrity.

Public calls for criminal offenses in post-Soviet countries (comparative analysis)

The article provides a comparative analysis of the criminal legislation of post-Soviet countries in terms of criminalization of public calls to commit criminal offenses. The criminal codes of the following countries have been studied: Azerbaijan, Belarus, Armenia, Georgia, Estonia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, the Russian Federation, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Common features of criminalization of public appeals in the named post-Soviet countries are established. Their distinctive features in comparison with the Ukrainian variant of regulation are defined. The list of subsequent crimes in the studied codes is not the same, but there are those whose public appeals are typical of the criminal codes of the vast majority of countries, namely – to: a) aggressive war, b) terrorist crimes, c) encroachments on the constitutional order and territorial integrity, d) mass riots. Unlike many European countries, the criminal codes of post-Soviet countries do not provide for universal types of public appeals (ie appeals to crime in general). The maximum of universalization here is calls only for crimes of a certain kind, for example, calls for terrorist crimes or crimes against the state. That is, it is mostly a case-by-case approach to the criminalization of public appeals – responsibility is established for public appeals to certain actions. In addition, the article draws attention to the following: a) the degree of punishment of public calls, that is, the penalties contained in sanctions (unqualified or «simple» public calls are mostly punishable by up to 3 years in prison or up to 5 years), b) the differentiation of responsibilities (aggravating circumstances), c) system and placement of special types of public calls in the structure of special parts of criminal codes.

Дезинтеграция и интеграция как взаимосвязанные этнополитические процессы (на примере Украины)

The processes of ethnopolitical integration and disintegration in interconnection with modern realities, challenges and processes are studied. Within the framework of the dialectical approach, they are defined as components of a single multilevel integration-disintegration process. Ethnopolitical integration may contain features, characteristics of ethnopolitical disintegration, and the latter may have integration consequences, contributing to the consolidation of the nation and society, the preservation of territorial integrity. The preconditions and factors of ethnopolitical disintegration of Ukraine and the forthcoming reintegration taking into account foreign experience are studied.

Extraterritorial Use of Force against Non-State Actors: PS to Hague Academy Lectures

In July 2021, the author presented a Special Course for the Hague Academy of International Law Summer Courses on the Extraterritorial Use of Force against Non-State Actors. The course focused on two bases for the extraterritorial use of force against non-state actors, namely self-defence and intervention by invitation. The lectures came to a conclusion that may, at first glance, appear contradictory. With respect to the use of force in self-defence, the lectures adopted a restrictive (non-permissive) approach in which the use of force is not permitted save in narrowly construed exceptions. With respect to intervention by invitation, the lectures adopted a more permissive approach in which the use of force is generally permitted and prohibited only in narrowly construed exceptions. This article serves as post-script (PS), to explain the apparent contradiction. It concludes that the main reason for this apparent contradiction is the application of the fundamental principles of international law—sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence—which are consistent with intervention by invitation but are undermined by self-defence against non-state actors.

KAZAKHSTAN’S SOVEREIGNTY IN THE CONTEXT OF KAZAKH-RUSSIAN RELATIONS

The article examines the problem of sovereignty of the Republic of Kazakhstan through the prism of Kazakh-Russian interstate relations. The key conclusions made by the authors are that, first of all, Kazakh-Russian relations are based on the post-Soviet model and the concept of the sovereignty of the Republic of Kazakhstan, which retains significant elements of the Soviet constitutional model of relations between the Union center and the republics; secondly, as part of this sovereignty model, the Republic of Kazakhstan has to make concessions in the economic, financial and other forms of sovereignty. However, the Republic of Kazakhstan makes no concessions in matters of territorial integrity and other fundamental aspects of its sovereignty. Thirdly, it was easier for the Republic of Kazakhstan to maintain the image of the Russian Federation as a strategic partner between 1991 and the mid-2000s, but since that time, the Russian Federation has been pursuing an openly neo-imperial policy in the post-Soviet space, thus, the increasing securitization of the relations with the Russian Federation requires great efforts from the Republic of Kazakhstan to protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Effective Models of Reintegration for De-occupied Territories

The article aims to reveal the essence of the reintegration process of the occupied and de-occupied territories, determining the current state and characterizing the conflict in the East of Ukraine. Its components and implementation tools are analyzed, and foreign models of reintegration of the occupied and de-occupied territories are presented and evaluated; there is also determined the degree of their conformity for Ukraine. In this research, there was made an attempt to find the most effective model for the reintegration of Donbas, which would not only contribute to the demilitarization and restoration of state control in these territories, but also prevent the emergence of separatist movements, stimulate the process of returning, and integration of citizens to the social, cultural, economic and political life of their country of origin. It was stressed that the Ukrainian model for restoring the territorial integrity and reintegration of Donbas should be based on compromise and key issues that have a positive international grounding for which the government has a public support, combined with a strong national, international, and military one. There is a greater chance for working out a mutual standpoint of Ukraine and its international partners which would allow the conflict with Russia to be solved. It is noted that the problem remains since there is no consensus among citizens on the optimal way of restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine. That is why there is an urgent need to create a comprehensive strategy to restore the territorial integrity and reintegration of Donbas. It will have a necessary impact on all the parties of the conflict, and result in a publicly supported compromise. This can be achieved despite the current domestic and international peculiarities of the process; help can be expected from international experience in restoring peace as well as from the government’s approach to the process of reintegration and shaping up a unified state.

Războiul de pe Nistru și separatismul transnistrean: narațiuni contradictorii / The war on the Dniester and Transnistrian separatism: contradictory narratives

The separatist conflict in the eastern districts of the Republic of Moldova – the premises and sources that fueled it, the events it has provoked over the years, the 1992 war, and other various related topics generate diverse and contradictory narratives among interested political actors. The rhetoric of Chisinau, Tiraspol, and the Kremlin denotes opposed visions and positions. While in Chisinau officials talk about the independence and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova, internationally recognized in 1991, in Moscow and on the left bank of the Nistru they make arguments to justify the actions undertaken by Tiraspol separatists over the past three decades to create and consolidate the so-called Transnistrian „statehood” – existing de facto, but not recognized by anyone internationally

The role of Islam in Indonesia's contemporary foreign policy

<p>This study aims to investigate the extent to which Islam influences Indonesian foreign policy in the post-Suharto era. Specifically, this research intends to examine under what circumstances the influence of Islam on Indonesian foreign policy will be substantial and under what conditions it will have less of an effect. Focusing on the era of the administration of President Yudhoyono, the issues covered in this study embrace Indonesia’s policies towards Iran’s nuclear programme, Kosovo’s independence and Palestinian statehood. This study puts emphasis on the interplay between Muslim groups and the government in relation to the conduct of the country’s foreign policy. As interest groups, Muslim groups in Indonesia have had significant concerns about Muslim issues in both Indonesia’s domestic affairs and in its foreign policy. In general, this study argues that there has been an increased role for Islam in Indonesia’s post-Suharto foreign policy. Islamic elements and Muslim groups’ aspirations have been increasingly included and accommodated in the country’s foreign policy. These accommodations are made to the extent that the aspirations these views reflect do not contradict fundamentally with Pancasila as state philosophy, the 1945 constitution and the country’s vital national interests, mainly those related to territorial integrity. Specifically, the case of the Iranian nuclear programme has showed that the government ‘bowed’ to the Muslim groups’ pressures which were backed by the parliament. The government changed its position from supporting UNSC resolution 1747 on sanctions against Iran to abstaining on the similar resolution no. 1803. In this regard, the influence of Muslim groups on the country’s foreign policy was important and substantial as Muslim groups’ interests and members of parliament’s interests did converge against the government’s policy on that matter. The Kosovo case has demonstrated an opposite effect. The government apparently firmed up its non-recognition of Kosovo’s independence and disregarded Muslim groups’ aspirations. Muslim groups’ aspiration to recognise Kosovo’s independence is perceived to contradict the most vital of the country’s national interest, namely national integrity. Finally, the case of Palestinian statehood has showed that the Indonesian government’s policy and Muslim groups’ aspirations have been aligned (unlike their differences over Iran) with a similar voice being presented.</p>

The role of Islam in Indonesia's contemporary foreign policy

<p>This study aims to investigate the extent to which Islam influences Indonesian foreign policy in the post-Suharto era. Specifically, this research intends to examine under what circumstances the influence of Islam on Indonesian foreign policy will be substantial and under what conditions it will have less of an effect. Focusing on the era of the administration of President Yudhoyono, the issues covered in this study embrace Indonesia’s policies towards Iran’s nuclear programme, Kosovo’s independence and Palestinian statehood. This study puts emphasis on the interplay between Muslim groups and the government in relation to the conduct of the country’s foreign policy. As interest groups, Muslim groups in Indonesia have had significant concerns about Muslim issues in both Indonesia’s domestic affairs and in its foreign policy. In general, this study argues that there has been an increased role for Islam in Indonesia’s post-Suharto foreign policy. Islamic elements and Muslim groups’ aspirations have been increasingly included and accommodated in the country’s foreign policy. These accommodations are made to the extent that the aspirations these views reflect do not contradict fundamentally with Pancasila as state philosophy, the 1945 constitution and the country’s vital national interests, mainly those related to territorial integrity. Specifically, the case of the Iranian nuclear programme has showed that the government ‘bowed’ to the Muslim groups’ pressures which were backed by the parliament. The government changed its position from supporting UNSC resolution 1747 on sanctions against Iran to abstaining on the similar resolution no. 1803. In this regard, the influence of Muslim groups on the country’s foreign policy was important and substantial as Muslim groups’ interests and members of parliament’s interests did converge against the government’s policy on that matter. The Kosovo case has demonstrated an opposite effect. The government apparently firmed up its non-recognition of Kosovo’s independence and disregarded Muslim groups’ aspirations. Muslim groups’ aspiration to recognise Kosovo’s independence is perceived to contradict the most vital of the country’s national interest, namely national integrity. Finally, the case of Palestinian statehood has showed that the Indonesian government’s policy and Muslim groups’ aspirations have been aligned (unlike their differences over Iran) with a similar voice being presented.</p>