The Puzzle of Indian Democracy: A Consociational Interpretation

1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (2) ◽  
pp. 258-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arend Lijphart
Keyword(s):  
Power Sharing ◽  
Careful Examination ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Divided Society ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Sheer Size ◽  
The One ◽  
Deviant Case

India has been the one major deviant case for consociational (power-sharing) theory, and its sheer size makes the exception especially damaging. A deeply divided society with, supposedly, a mainly majoritarian type of democracy, India nevertheless has been able to maintain its democratic system. Careful examination reveals, however, that Indian democracy has displayed all four crucial elements of power-sharing theory. In fact, it was a perfectly and thoroughly consociational system during its first two decades. From the late 1960s on, although India has remained basically consociational, some of its power-sharing elements have weakened under the pressure of greater mass mobilization. Concomitantly, in accordance with consociational theory, intergroup hostility and violence have increased. Therefore, India is not a deviant case for consociational theory but, instead, an impressive confirming case.

The Demand For Money in Pakistan: Reply (Notes and Comments)

1975 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 370-375
Author(s):  
M. A. Akhtar
Keyword(s):  
Interest Rates ◽  
Money Demand ◽  
Strong Support ◽  
Physical Capital ◽  
Careful Examination ◽  
Demand For Money ◽  
Weak Support ◽  
Complementarity Hypothesis ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The One

I am grateful to Abe, Fry, Min, Vongvipanond, and Yu (hereafter re¬ferred to as AFMVY) [1] for obliging me to reconsider my article [2] on the demand for money in Pakistan. Upon careful examination, I find that the AFMVY results are, in parts, misleading and that, on the whole, they add very little to those provided in my study. Nevertheless, the present exercise as well as the one by AFMVY is useful in that it furnishes us with an opportunity to view some of the fundamental problems involved in an empi¬rical analysis of the demand for money function in Pakistan. Based on their elaborate critique, AFMVY reformulate the two hypo¬theses—the substitution hypothesis and the complementarity hypothesis— underlying my study and provide us with some alternative estimates of the demand for money in Pakistan. Briefly their results, like those in my study, indicate that income and interest rates are important in deter¬mining the demand for money. However, unlike my results, they also suggest that the price variable is a highly significant determinant of the money demand function. Furthermore, while I found only a weak support for the complementarity between money demand and physical capital, the results obtained by AFMVY appear to yield a strong support for that rela¬tionship.1 The difference in results is only a natural consequence of alter¬native specifications of the theory and, therefore, I propose to devote most of this reply to the criticisms raised by AFMVY and the resulting reformulation of the two mypotheses.

The Grammar of Subjectivity

2020 ◽  
pp. 59-65
Author(s):  
Jonardon Ganeri
Keyword(s):  
Logical Form ◽  
Conscious State ◽  
Careful Examination ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Phenomenological Interpretation ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One ◽  
Affected Subject

There is a commonly agreed way to articulate the logical form of a conscious state: it a state such that there is something it is like for a subject to be in it. This formula has the important virtue that it enables us to separate out two distinct aspects in the phenomenology of an experience: what is experienced, the ‘quality’ of the experience; and how it is experienced, that it is experienced as being for-a-subject. A careful examination of the syntax of the ‘what it’s like …’ construction reveals that the colloquial phrase ‘subject of experience’ is polysemic. On the one hand it might mean the subject in whom the experience is occurring. Let me call this the ‘locative of manifestation’. This host self, an inhabited self, is more commonly identified with the physical human being, or the human being’s brain or neuropsychological state, but Pessoa gives instead a phenomenological interpretation of the notion. The phrase might also mean the subject affected by the experience. The affected subject is the one to whom the experience is addressed, so I will call this the ‘accusative of manifestation’. The accusative of manifestation is, evidently, conceptually distinct from the locative of manifestation. Finally, the phrase might mean the subject who is undergoing the experience, the one who lives through the experience, the ‘dative of manifestation.’

The Aš‘arite Ontology: I Primary Entities

1999 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard M. Frank
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Careful Examination ◽  
General Context ◽  
The One

The present study seeks to lay out the most basic elements of the ontology of classical Aš‘arite theology. In several cases this requires a careful examination of the traditional and the formal lexicography of certain key expressions. The topics primarily treated are: (1) how they understood “Being/ existence” and “being/existent” and essential natures; the systematic exploitation of the equivocities of certain expressions (e.g., ḫaqīqa, ḫadd, ma‘na) within a general context in which other than words there are no universals proves to be elegant as well as insightful; (2) the basic categories of primary entities: independant beings and nonindependant beings, (a) created and (b) uncreated, the equivocity of “being/existent” as predicated of contingent entities on the one hand and of God and His attributes on the other, and certain problems that arise because of the rigid application of the system's underlying analytic principles.

scholarly journals The Problem of Democracy against the Background of the Theory of Origin and Authority in the Social Doctrine of the Church Fathers and St. Thomas Aquinas

2020 ◽  
pp. 661-670
Author(s):  
Tomasz Pawlikowski
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Saint Augustine ◽  
Church Fathers ◽  
Social Doctrine ◽  
The Social ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Times ◽  
The One ◽  
Doctrine Of The Church ◽  
The Church

"e modern social doctrine of the Catholic Church supports all of the abovementionedviews with the exception that it treats some of its elements as theso-called “signs of the times” in which the creators of these views lived andwrote. "erefore, we cannot say that they became somehow time-barred. "eyhave entered the tradition of the social doctrine of the Church. Similarly, onecannot reasonably claim that the basic theses of the socio-political theoriesof Saint Augustine or Saint "omas Aquinas are obsolete in philosophical terms.At the most, one can disagree with them or try to correct them. Nevertheless, itseems that there are no better analyses of the nature of authority and its originfrom God. Considering these issues from the perspective of historical applicationsof the theories, especially the one coined by St. "omas, it is impossible notto notice the significant analogies of the reflections of Doctor Angelicus and theidea of a “nobles’ democracy” implemented in the First Polish Republic threehundred years later. It is also difficult to believe that a$er the creation of thescientific community of the Jagiellonian University in the fi$eenth century, theydid not affect the minds of Polish politicians at a time when the foundationsof this democracy were formed. Moreover, it seems that these considerationswere widely applied in the centuries-old process of crystallizing other modernand contemporary democratic system.

DAVID MARSHALL, God, Muhammad and the Unbelievers: A Qur[ham]anic Study (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 1999). Pp. 204. $75.00 cloth.

2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-317
Author(s):  
DEVIN J. STEWART
Keyword(s):  
Careful Examination ◽  
The People ◽  
Contemporary Situation ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

This work is a careful examination of the punishment narratives in the Qur[ham]an, focusing on the “triangular drama” among God, Muhammad (along with the believers), and the unbelievers. Expanding the work of Horovitz, Bell, and others, Marshall's analysis builds on the observation that Qur[ham]anic narratives concerning earlier prophetic figures often reflect and comment on, more or less directly, the contemporary situation of the Prophet Muhammad. Many passages portray Noah, Hud, Salih, and others addressing their peoples in their capacity as messengers of God. They are rebuked and meet with little success in their efforts to convince the unbelievers of their misguidance and to convert them to worship of the one true God. They then warn the unbelievers of the dire punishment that awaits them should they insist on refusing to believe, but to no avail. God inflicts the threatened punishment upon the unrepentant peoples, annihilating them in a cataclysmic event: the flood in the case of Noah's people; a raging wind in the case of [ayn]Ad, the people of Hud; a shower of stones in the case of Lot's people; and so on. These narratives portray the relationship between the messengers and their recalcitrant audiences in some detail and can therefore serve as the basis for a fruitful analysis of the relationship between Muhammad and the unbelievers among his people, the Quraysh.

Marxism and The End of History and the Last Man: A Critical Review

2000 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nuhu O. Yaqub
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Capitalist System ◽  
End Of History ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Core Concepts ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The End Of History ◽  
Last Man ◽  
The One ◽  
The Last Man

This review of The End of History and the Last Man sets out to achieve two major objectives: first, to establish whether or not the collapse of the Soviet state system and the alleged triumph as well as reconsolidation of liberal democracy have finally sounded the death knell of Marxism as a body of thought and a guide to action. The paper tries to achieve thisobjective by examining some of the core concepts of Marxism e.g., alienation and exploitation; inequality and freedom; the question of the state; and the nature of imperialism to see the extent to which they have been made otiose by the alleged triumph of liberal democratic system. The evidence emerging from their analyses, however, is not only the correctness and profundity of the position of Marx and his disciples Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Hoxher, Castro, Cabral, Fanon, Mao, Machel, etc. but that as long as Fukuyama attempts to mystify the insidiousness of the capitalist cum liberal democracy visavis alienation and exploitation of the worker on the one hand, and the predatoriness of imperialism over other peoples and lands on the other, so long shall the unscientific assertions and assumptions of the book continue to be subjected to critical pulverizations and attacks. Arising from this conclusion, the second and related objective is to exhort workers in both the advanced capitalist and the superexploited Third World countries towards greater and more focused struggles to bring down the moribund capitalist system, which is to be replaced with socialism/communism

Intervention and Promotion of Democracy. The Paradoxes of External Democratization and the Power-Sharing Between International Officials and Local Political Leaders

2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-153
Author(s):  
Andrea Carati
Keyword(s):  
Power Sharing ◽  
East Timor ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
International Intervention ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The One ◽  
Domestic Affairs ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
New Generation ◽  
Target Country

AbstractSince the end of the Cold War new practices of external interferences in the domestic affairs of states have revealed an unprecedented relationship between international intervention and the promotion of democracy. In fact, the new generation of peace-building missions is oriented toward the democratization of the target country. Moving from the paradoxes brought about by the goal of democratization, the paper offers an explanation of the power-sharing between international officials and local political actors in the target country. On the one hand, a democratic approach to international intervention fosters self-determination, tends to grant sovereignty and independence and considers the international mandate as temporary. On the other hand, the goal of democratization entails the establishment of enduring neo-trusteeships, violating the sovereignty and independence of the target-state. The paper focuses on three case-studies (Bosnia, Kosovo and East Timor) to assess how those paradoxes lead to conflicting attitudes by international officials – who both concede and retain essential powers over local political actors – creating a power-sharing in the target country.

Parliament in a One-Party State—the Bunge of Tanzania, 1965–70

1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helge Kjekshus
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
The State ◽  
Careful Examination ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Presidential Commission ◽  
Rubber Stamp ◽  
The One ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
Party State

The introduction of the one-party system in Tanzania in 1965 was in part explained as a means of rescuing the National Assembly or Bunge from decline and decay. This institution had become a rubber stamp, according to the Presidential Commission, making few meaningful contributions to the system of government: debates had become ‘lifeless and superficial’, and legislation was passed rapidly and uncritically, ‘without challenge to basic principles or careful examination of detailed provisions’. The President had appropriately raised the question of whether the National Assembly should be formally removed from the structure of the state, or amalgamated with that of the ruling party.

Secular Power and Religious Authority in Muslim Society: the Case of Songhay

1996 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hunwick
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Ethnically Diverse ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Cultural Tradition ◽  
Religious Authority ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The One ◽  
Secular Power ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between political power and religious authority has been a delicate one in Muslim societies. On the one hand, governments may attempt to silence religious authorities; on the other, they may themselves succumb to revolutions in the name of religion. More often governments have attempted to co-opt religious authorities as allies in exercising control or have worked directly in a power-sharing arrangement with them. In Songhay, as in several other states of pre-colonial Sudanic Africa, a more subtle balance was achieved between the ruling estate and the diverse body of scholars, mystics and holymen who made up the religious estate. The askiyas of sixteenth-century Songhay, while exercising full political power, saw it in their interest to maintain harmonious relations with these men of religion. Gifts in cash and kind, including slaves, grants of land and privilege, especially exemption from taxation, as well as recognition of rights of intercession and sanctuary, ensured their moral support and spiritual services and, importantly, protected rulers from their curse. Such a symbiosis was important for the stability of a large and ethnically diverse empire like Songhay, especially as regards its conquered western reaches, which were ethnically non-Songhay and had a strong Islamic cultural tradition. This delicate balance was upset by the Sacdian conquest of Songhay in 1591. Despite Moroccan assertions of Islamic legitimacy, religious authorities in Timbuktu were unsupportive, and harsh measures against them dealt a lasting blow to the equilibrium which had prevailed under the askiyas.

The Institutional Context of Crossfiling

1976 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanley D. Hopper
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Case Analysis ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Minor Parties ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
American States ◽  
The One ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Deviant Case

V. O. Key’s proposition that one-party politics in the American states has been destructive of both the dominant and minor parties in such systems fits California’s political experience very nicely. From 1893 to 1932 California Republicans captured almost all statewide offices and they maintained huge legislative majorities. Furthermore, both parties entered the 1930’s with little institutionalized capacity for performing the basic nominating and campaigning functions. It appears, therefore, that the notorious weakness of political parties in California could be accounted for in terms of Key’s theories of the debilitating impact of one-party politics. Understandably, however, this line of speculation raises questions in the minds of those students of California politics who are aware of the several studies that particularly credit crossfiling for the weakness of California parties at mid-century. Consequently, the purpose of this article is to demonstrate the relationship between intensity of interparty competition and crossfiling in California politics during the first half of this century. In establishing this relationship, this study first shows that crossfiling did not become a general practice until after the end of California’s one-party era (1893-1932). The analysis then goes on to demonstrate that, during the one-party 1920’s, crossfiling occurred more often in the relatively competitive areas of the state than in the most profoundly one-party areas. Finally, a deviant case analysis develops the correspondence between the incidence of successful crossfiling (winning both parties’ primaries) and the relative competitiveness of types of offices.

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