Legacies of Transitions: Institutionalization, the Military, and Democracy in South America

1998 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felipe Aguero
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Mónica Ricketts

The final chapter discusses in parallel the political histories of Spain and Peru in the final years of imperial rule in South America. Peru did not experience a long national struggle and lacked large elites committed to independence. As in the old metropolis, a constant and violent struggle between men of letters and military officers dominated. After decades of military reform and war, army officers with experience in command and government felt entitled to rule. Old subjects and new citizens were also accustomed to seeing them lead. Men of letters, on the other hand, found limited opportunities to exercise their new authority despite their ambitions. Additionally, both in Spain and Peru, liberal men of letters failed to create a new institutional order in which the military would be subjected to civilian rule. It would take decades for both parts of the former Spanish monarchy to accomplish that goal and allow for peace.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 413-436
Author(s):  
David Paulo Succi Junior

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o modo em que a bibliografia especializada busca explicar o constante emprego das Forças Armadas – instrumento de política externa – em missões de segurança pública na América do Sul. São identificados três níveis de explicação: internacional, regional e nacional. Defende-se que as análises podem ser agrupadas em duas lógicas explicativas – positivismo e o pós-positivismo –, as quais distinguem-se não apenas em termos teóricos, mas também, sob a ótica da teoria crítica, em relação às suas consequências políticas. Considera-se que a compreensão positivista do fenômeno em questão leva a uma subordinação da política à técnica, enquanto as análises pós-positivistas evidenciam o caráter político da escolha de envolver o instrumento militar em segurança pública. Palavras-chave: Forças Armadas; Segurança Pública; América do Sul.     Abstract: The current paper aims to evaluate the way in which specialized scholars seek to clarify the constant employment of South Americans Armed Forces – foreign policy instrument – in public security. Three explanatory levels are identified: international, regional and domestic. It is argued that analyses can be classified in two logics of explanation – positivism and post positivism – that are distinguished by both its theoretical specificity and its politics implications. We sustain that rationalist explanation submits politics to technique, while post positivism analyses emphasize the political nature of the decision to involve the military in public security. Key-Word: Armed Forces; Public Security; South America.     Recebido em: fevereiro/2017. Aprovado em: agosto/2017.


2015 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 268-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Grauer

How do military ideas, and military doctrines in particular, spread through the international system? This article extends extant work on military diffusion by exploring why some states, after deciding to adopt another's innovative warfighting system, fail to implement it. The author argues that for states to successfully implement a military doctrine developed abroad, much information about the unobservable aspects of the warfighting system is needed. States vary in their capacity to acquire the necessary knowledge because they face differing levels of resistance to military diffusion within their armed forces. Powerful groups within the military that are opposed to such adoptions are likely to use their influence to press for policies and bureaucratic maneuvers that constrain information flows between innovating states and their own state and consequently inhibit implementation and diffusion of military doctrines. Therefore successful implementation of foreign military doctrines can be expected when states face minimal resistance within their militaries, and moderated or failed implementation can be expected when opposition is more significant. A provisional test of the argument is conducted through an assessment of Argentina, Brazil, and Chile's attempts to implement the German military doctrine at the turn of the twentieth century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-27
Author(s):  
Jennifer Joan Thompson

We are therefore saying that the work of expanding the habitual levels of life is the only valid art installation / the only exhibition / the only work of art that lives.We are artists and we feel ourselves participating in the grand aspirations of all, presuming today, with South American love, the gliding of eyes over these lines.Oh, South America.In this way, together, we construct the beginning of the work: a recognition in our minds; erasing the trades: life as a creative act …That is the art / the work / this is the work of art that we propose.—¡Ay Sudamérica!, Colectivo Acciones de Arte, July 1981At 11 a.m. on 11 September 1973, the Chilean Air Force bombed the presidential palace, La Moneda, as part of an attack that ended the presidency of Salvador Allende, suspended democracy, and initiated the repressive military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Eight years later, on 12 July 1981, in the midst of dictatorship, six airplanes again flew over Santiago in military formation. This time, however, the planes did not drop bombs. Instead, they scattered four hundred thousand pamphlets with a text that urged Chileans to claim their space, thoughts, and lives by asserting the potential for artistry within all people. This art action, titled ¡Ay Sudamérica! (Oh, South America!) and orchestrated by the Colectivo Acciones de Arte (Art Actions Collective, or CADA), subversively re-created a central moment from the violent history of the military coup in order to disturb and articulate an alternative course for that history (Fig. 1). In doing so, CADA challenged the regime's conception of Chilean citizenship by calling for an expanded space of existence and invoking the possibility of an artistic and contestatory subjectivity within everyone.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (4 ENGLISH ONLINE VERSION) ◽  
pp. 129-147
Author(s):  
Wiesław Bar

The title suggests that this article will continue on the subject addressed 10 years ago. The previous article was On a bishop who is inconvenient to those in power in Argentina—both the State and the Church. Despite the changes that have taken place in both spheres (the collapse of the military dictatorship after the 1983 elections, and changes in the episcopate and the judicial inquiry and elucidation of the circumstances of the murder of Bishop Angelelli), some people are denying Pope Francis’ decision to recognise the martyrdom of the bishop and his collaborators (June 8, 2018). They see this beatification as inconvenient. The author of the presented study challenges these arguments, both from the canon-law perspective and in light of canonization practice. Due to the passage of time (the martyrs died in the Diocese of La Rioja in 1976) and the geographical separation (South America), he first provides their short biographies. Due to numerous untrue data and overinterpretations disseminated by the media as to the course of the beatification processes at the diocesan phase, the also tries to bring order to the basic facts.


Author(s):  
Graciela De Conti Pagliari

It is investigated the approximation in defense and security in South America. The hypothesis tested considers that these countries just tend an approximation whereby the costs are less linked to a changing in their individual policies. In this way, they propose just a superficial consensus rather than incorporate joint policies. Therefore, the analysis focuses on the confidence measures in relation to the military expenditures adopted since the SADC foundation, as well as the military forces functions to verify if – in that instance – the measures served to empower the convergences in defense, and – in the case of these – if, in the face of the highlighted common defense problems, the attributions have converged.


1980 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 614-624 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin C. Needler
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 5-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Winn

Beginning with Brazil in 1964, continuing with Chile in 1973, and concluding with Argentina in 1976, the ABC powers of South America experienced civil-military coups and long-lived dictatorships that put an end to their democratic governments and programs of structural reform. Each coup reflected national circumstances and histories that differed from country to country—in Brazil, the military overthrew João Goulart's left populist government, in Chile, the Pinochet coup put an end to Allende's democratic road to socialism, while in Argentina, the military Junta and their civilian allies ended the left Peronist “revolutionary” project (already under attack from the Peronist right) and replaced it with a rightist “process” of their own.


Author(s):  
Marcos Valle Machado da Silva

The issue of the Falklands catalyzes the attention of researchers in studies of the military presence of extraregional actors in South America. However, France, a state equally exogenous to the South American nations, is present in the region, keeping a colonial territory, where contingents and military installations are located, almost always ignored in regional security studies. In this context, this paper aims to highlight the military presence of France and the United Kingdom in America and South Atlantic, and to analyze the tensions arising from this presence in relation to the regional Brazilian view of defense.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document