Preserving Property: History, Genealogy, and Inheritance in “Upon Appleton House”*

1996 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 824-839 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Patton

“I hope that they may live to see the power of the King and the Lords thrown down, that yet may live to see property preserved.”— Colonel Petty at Putney, 28 October 1647 (Woodhouse, 61)The famous army debates held at Putney in 1647 provide us with some remarkable insights into the misgivings of the men who were soon to bring about the trial and execution of their king. Their very practical need to placate the then powerful “Leveller” faction within the army drew the “Grandees” into talks which clearly reveal the limits of their revolutionary aspirations. The principal objection of both Oliver Cromwell and Henry Ireton to the proposals of the Levellers is also the most telling: both men saw in the proposed Leveller constitution, The Agreement of the People, a threat to the current economic order, an order based upon the ownership of property by a relatively small number of men.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-107
Author(s):  
Christer Petley

Abstract Probate inventories helped to support the established social and economic order in colonial Jamaica. These documents were part of the legal process of winding up an estate after a death and presented an account of personal possessions that had belonged to a decedent. They facilitated the transfer of property to heirs and identified those parts of an estate that were available for the repayment of debts. The inventories contain lists of enslaved people, representing them as a type of “property,” and so these documents form a major part of the archive of Jamaican slavery. This article explores the practices, aims, and assumptions of the people who produced the inventories, developing our understanding of slaveholder culture in the British Caribbean and of the bureaucratic and accounting techniques that facilitated slave management.



1978 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 259-266
Author(s):  
Anthony Fletcher

When Oliver Cromwell sent his most trusted lieutenants into the provinces in 1655, the instructions he gave them were wide ranging and the task he set them was enormous. They were to oversee every aspect of local government, prevent conspiracies, remove negligent or scandalous ministers and promote godliness and virtue among the people. No wonder the major-generals felt daunted. John Thurloe, who as secretary-of-state handled their correspondence, soon found himself acting as a bureau for encouragement and advice. Once they were out on their own there was little to sustain the major-generals beyond their religious faith. This is not to say that their accounts of their doings should be taken wholly at face value, nor that baser motives were necessarily absent from their minds. It is hard to believe that any of the major-generals expected immediate material gain. But some at least may have been influenced by the search for power and the desire for revenge against their enemies in the civil war. Plainly, several of them still felt bitter hatred of cavaliers almost ten years after the war had ended. Such attitudes can be no more than glimpsed in letters designed to give a good impression of the major-generals’ performance. The motives that lay behind that performance must be assessed on the basis of what they wrote and the aspects of the CromweUian programme upon which they concentrated. The letters to Thurloe do much to explain why the major-generals worked so hard, riding the muddy lanes of England through a hard winter; they also illuminate the nature of their vision of a godly commonwealth.



Author(s):  
Mai Taha

In Gillo Pontecorvo’s evocative film The Battle of Algiers (1966), viewers reach the conclusion that the fight against colonialism would not be fought at the UN General Assembly. Decolonization would take place through the organized resistance of colonized people. Still, the 1945 United Nations Charter and the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights provided some legal basis, albeit tenuous, for self-determination. When Third World leaders assembled in the 1955 Bandung Conference, it became clear that the UN needed to shift gears on the question of decolonization. By 1960, and through a show of Asian and African votes at the General Assembly, the Declaration for the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples was adopted, effectively outlawing colonialism and affirming the right of all peoples to self-determination. Afro-Asian solidarity took a different form in the 1966 Tricontinental Conference in Havana, which founded the Organization of Solidarity with the People of Asia, Africa and Latin America. The conference gathered leftist activists and leaders from across the Third World, who would later inspire radical movements and scholarship on decolonization and anticolonial socialism. This would also influence the adoption of the 1974 Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and later lead to UNESCO’s series that starts with Mohammed Bedjaoui’s famous overture, Towards a New International Economic Order (1979; cited as Bedjaoui 1979 under the Decolonization “Moment”). This article situates this history within important international-law scholarship on decolonization. First, it introduces different approaches to decolonization and international law; namely, postcolonial, Marxist, feminist, and Indigenous approaches. Second, it highlights seminal texts on international law and the colonial encounter. Third, it focuses on scholarship that captures the spirit of the “decolonization moment” as a political and temporal rupture, but also as a continuity, addressing, fourth, decolonization and neocolonial practices. Finally, this article ends with some of the most important works on international law and settler colonialism in the 21st century.



Focaal ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 2008 (52) ◽  
pp. 57-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Gledhill

This article examines similarities and differences in the development of the oil industries of Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela through an analysis of the struggles and alliances between their elites, political classes, and diverse popular forces. The analysis demonstrates that although history has produced popular skepticism over the meaning of the state's claim that “our oil belongs to the people,” a popular imaginary of the potential link between national resource sovereignty and social justice has had powerful historical effects. Despite the structural differences between these cases, it remains today at the center of emergent alternatives that cannot be dismissed simply as a return to the populism of the past. While its main significance in Mexico to date has been to impede persistent efforts to privatize the industry, in the cases of Venezuela and Brazil we may now talk of significant possibilities for building a more multipolar world economic order.



Hypatia ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison M. Jaggar

Neoliberal globalization has deepened the impoverishment and marginalization of many women. This system is maintained by the debt supposedly owed by many poor nations in the global South to a few rich nations in the global North, because the obligation to service the debt traps the people of the South within an economic order that severely disadvantages them. I offer several reasons for thinking that many of these alleged debt obligations are not morally binding, especially on Southern women.



Exchange ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-44
Author(s):  
Darío Barolín

The present article aims at delineating the context in which the Popular Reading of the Bible was born and how it found its calling to walk beside the people in that dramatic situation. Times have changed drastically, however, and the utopia of a new social and economic order is out of the closed horizon. Even further is the idea that such change will resolve every situation of suffering of those excluded from the system. Empire is the new context and this demands to extend the understanding of politics. Therefore it is necessary to nourish the theological task and the biblical reading in the honest and out of anxiety encounter with suffering people. It is in this context of listening and learning that the Popular Reading of the Bible may facilitate the encounter of people with its God.



1966 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
A. Z. Freeman

By his skillful use of England's resources, more than by his generalship in the field, Edward I became one of the most effective military commanders England produced between the Conqueror and Oliver Cromwell. King of a country rich in men, money, and resources, he was well provided with raw materials, but it was Edward's accomplishment to use them to create and support a large and tenacious army. He called for fighting men from all classes of the population, regardless of tenure; he required all sections of the realm to send provisions; and he required all people in his kingdom to support his wars by granting subsidies. Organization of this nature called all of Edward's political acumen into play, for it implied the existence of a corporate nature for England, one where the people not only must approve measures that touched them, they must also contribute to them. When the matter touching them was the defense of the realm, they responded to royal leadership by forming a proto-national army.In spite of the importance and implications of this subject, there has been sparse treatment of it by historians. A handful of articles and a few books deal with the subject of military organization directly, while it forms a small part of a number of general works. William Stubbs described the make-up and use of both the militia and the mounted forces of England as pieces in the great game between king and barons and as evidence for the growing sense of nationality in England. J. E. Morris's Welsh Wars of Edward the First is a careful analysis of Edwardian armies based largely upon Exchequer sources.



2021 ◽  
pp. 21-39
Author(s):  
Iris Lobo

Winston Churchill had once said that ‘Socialism is a philosophy of failure, the creed of ignorance, and the gospel of envy; its inherent virtue is the equal sharing of misery.’ This was the belief that was once upheld staunchly in all its rigidity amongst the majority of the people in the neoliberal world; who believed in their own gospel of free markets and worshipped the deity of deregulation. However, when Covid-19 struck society with ruthlessness, the common people and even the high priests of global capitalism were willing to scrap decades of neoliberal orthodoxy to alleviate the catastrophic effects of the pandemic and the subsequent economic crisis. A conversion was vehemently demanded and socialism was to be their baptism. This paper analyses the journey of socialism from a Pre-Covid-19 society, a Covid-19 riddled society and then its emergence into an internationally observed economic order in a Post-Covid-19 world. For contrary to what Churchill believed, the Covid-19 catalyst, as captured in this paper, resulted in the revelation of the shroud of neoliberalism and the failure of the philosophy of laissez faire, the awakening of ‘class consciousness’ from its slumber of ignorance, and a gospel of collectivism and communal spirit that the working-class were going to take with, moving forward into a socialism oriented Post-Covid-19 society.



1952 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 168-169
Keyword(s):  


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Skladany
Keyword(s):  


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