Decolonization in International Law

Author(s):  
Mai Taha

In Gillo Pontecorvo’s evocative film The Battle of Algiers (1966), viewers reach the conclusion that the fight against colonialism would not be fought at the UN General Assembly. Decolonization would take place through the organized resistance of colonized people. Still, the 1945 United Nations Charter and the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights provided some legal basis, albeit tenuous, for self-determination. When Third World leaders assembled in the 1955 Bandung Conference, it became clear that the UN needed to shift gears on the question of decolonization. By 1960, and through a show of Asian and African votes at the General Assembly, the Declaration for the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples was adopted, effectively outlawing colonialism and affirming the right of all peoples to self-determination. Afro-Asian solidarity took a different form in the 1966 Tricontinental Conference in Havana, which founded the Organization of Solidarity with the People of Asia, Africa and Latin America. The conference gathered leftist activists and leaders from across the Third World, who would later inspire radical movements and scholarship on decolonization and anticolonial socialism. This would also influence the adoption of the 1974 Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and later lead to UNESCO’s series that starts with Mohammed Bedjaoui’s famous overture, Towards a New International Economic Order (1979; cited as Bedjaoui 1979 under the Decolonization “Moment”). This article situates this history within important international-law scholarship on decolonization. First, it introduces different approaches to decolonization and international law; namely, postcolonial, Marxist, feminist, and Indigenous approaches. Second, it highlights seminal texts on international law and the colonial encounter. Third, it focuses on scholarship that captures the spirit of the “decolonization moment” as a political and temporal rupture, but also as a continuity, addressing, fourth, decolonization and neocolonial practices. Finally, this article ends with some of the most important works on international law and settler colonialism in the 21st century.

1998 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-80
Author(s):  
Chulwoo Lee

This study reviews the initiative for a New International Economic Order (NIEO) and its implications in the discourse of international law. The NIEO enterprise, a product of the international political economy of the 1970s, has come to a stalemate. Yet international forums have continued to articulate many of its messages. In addition to its political and economic effects, the NIEO initiative has contributed to the development of jurisprudence and legal philosophy by stimulating a rethinking and elaboration of the notion of justice in international law and by rekindling the question of what law is in international law. This study canvasses how the NIEO enterprise has unfolded itself through various international forums, particularly the United Nations General Assembly, and the major issues raised in the NIEO-related resolutions, analyses the politico-ideological implications of various NIEO-related arguments, explores the debates on the nature and status of the NIEO principles in international law, and addresses the inherent conflict between the state-centred notion of the world order and the supranational, global approach which has straddled the NIEO discussions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 627-635
Author(s):  
Arash Davari

Abstract This essay extends themes in Adom Getachew's Worldmaking after Empire: The Rise and Fall of Self-Determination (2019) by introducing Iran as a mediating element in Cold War worldmaking. It recovers the story of Pahlavi Iran's diplomatic efforts during the Sixth Special of the United Nation General Assembly, which resulted in the declaration of the New International Economic Order. Getachew's book provides a framework to interpret these diplomatic efforts with greater precision. The same framework explains the Islamic Republic's internationalist policies in the 1980s. Worldmaking after Empire is less equipped, however, to explain the popular revolution separating different modes of Iranian statecraft between the 1970s and 1980s. This observation reveals the limits of the book's methodological approach—namely, its overemphasis on elites and its overinvestment in exactitude. These limits invite a revised approach to writing histories of anticolonial worldmaking. An alternate approach focuses on statecraft (exactitude) and popular politics (inexactitude) at once, echoing the simultaneous affi rmation of nation building and worldmaking in Getachew's theory of decolonization.


1979 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 477-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samir Amin

In this brief paper, the author shows how the Third World demand for a New International Economic Order (in other words, a more sensible and equitable revision of the existing international division of labour) is consistent, not only within itself, but also with the principle professed by the West itself (viz. that the purpose of division of labour is to make the best use of factor endowments to ensure maximum profitability and common good). In rejecting the demand, the West is repudiating its own conventional wisdom. Aware that implicit in the demand for an international redivision of labour is a demand for international redivision of political power (to which the West, long used to a position of dominance, is not likely to agree willingly), the author suggests a strategy for the Third World to wage its struggle, severally and collectively, on both the political and the economic planes.


Author(s):  
Edward McWhinney

The claims on behalf of a new international economic order and for the corresponding change in the basic structure of international law that such a postulated new order is thought to imply, are proclaimed, in programmatic form, in two resolutions adopted without vote by the United Nations General Assembly at its Sixth Special Session on May 1, 1974 — the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, and the so-called Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order; and in the further Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, adopted by the General Assembly at its agth regular session on December 12, 1974, this time by a recorded vote of 120 to 6, with 10 abstentions.


1977 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony Smith

The demand by Third World countries for a “new international economic order” also has its political dimension. Do the threats of commodity cartels, debt defaults, and investment expropriation reflect a fundamental shift in the balance of power between North and South? This paper argues, to the contrary, that the power of the South is quite limited. An analysis of trade, financing, and investment relations between North and South reveals the latter's clearly subordinate position, which is all the more weakened by the fragile political-administrative structures of many Third World regimes. Nevertheless, the demands being made should in some form be accommodated since they serve Northern interests in two important respects: they potentially allow the North new means of leverage in relations with the South; and they offer the North the opportunity to coordinate its various policies and interests in regard to the Third World. Had the South not called for a new international economic order, the North should have pressed for one.


Yuridika ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 141
Author(s):  
M. Ya'kub Aiyub Kadir

The establishment of the New International Economic Order (NIEO) has been underpinning the development of international law. The shortcomings of this struggle should be seen as a lesson-learn to step forward in the future. It is also essential to harmonise the economic justice relationship among all countries in the world regardless the developed or the developing countries. The sustainable struggle in the world economic sphere will appear as a shout from the perceived disadvantaged countries from an economic competition in the world.  The establishment of the right to development that have been adopted in international law is a part of journey of TW struggled in international relation. The paper is simultaneously based on the perception of understanding of principles of  NIEO coupled with scepticisms toward this principles and auto criticism of that scepticism in order to be a proposal as a source of international law in future


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