The Parliamentary Dimension of the Crimean War

1981 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 37-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. R. Vincent

The central issue in most wars is how to win. The central issue in the Crimean War was whether there should be a war. Throughout most of the war, the question of peace or war remained an open one, dependent on military prospects, diplomatic vicissitudes, and the shuttlecock of parliamentary faction. That British public opinion was hotly for war was interpreted by players of the parliamentary game only as meaning that it might become pacific with equal volatility. The supposed political invincibility of Palmerston in 1855–6 had some reality outside Parliament, but little inside Parliament where it mattered. If events in Parliament varied in line with the war, it was also true that parliamentary prospects could affect the war.

Author(s):  
Daron R. Shaw ◽  
Brian E. Roberts ◽  
Mijeong Baek

Chapter 3 aims to gauge both the reality of, as well as public opinion on, the central issue of corruption. It investigates public opinion on corruption among elected officials, source of corruption, effectiveness of laws and regulations in mitigating corruption, support for campaign finance reforms, etc. The data strongly suggest that people think corruption is rampant despite limited evidence that quid pro quo corruption is anything more than a minor problem. This fundamental attitude has not changed much in the wake of the Citizens United decision. Furthermore, they believe the problem is mostly intractable and that most of the commonly proposed reforms of the campaign finance system will not work. Nevertheless, they still support these reforms. Moving from simple descriptive data to more associational analyses, this chapter also explores the effect of campaign finance laws on campaign spending and then the effect of both on corruption attitudes. The results are not what the Court would have expected.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 220-229
Author(s):  
Rakesh Bera

Community perception becomes a central issue for hazard mitigation of an area. Present study made an attempt to assess public opinion regarding various problems associated with life and livelihood of Sundarbans. A survey was conducted over 254 households located along 22 mangrove fringe villages of Kultali, Gosaba and Hingalganj. Waterlogging, erosion, salinity, storm surges and embankment breaching are the major challenges identified during the survey. Details account of causes, consequences and their spatial extension have been presented and future coping strategies are also recommended. Elevating houses (92%), green buffering (80%) and construction of pucca house (9.8%) are the desired coping strategies for different hazards. Regarding future strategies, 48% like to stay if Govt. initiated for hazard mitigation and 37% like to live with the disaster.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 371-385
Author(s):  
Lubomir Krustev ◽  

This article explores some of the most important aspects of the beginnings and early development of Russophobia in Britain. In the first half of the 19th century public opinion started to shift from Francophobia to Anti-Russian sentiment. The reasons for this were political and cultural. Britons were afraid of the Russian expansionism and felt contempt for the Russians as being less civilized than other European nations. A great impact on the British perception of Russia made Emperor Nicholas I and his conservative and despotic policies. Thus, the period between the Vienna Congress of 1815 and the outbreak of the Crimean War was marked by increasing Russophobia, that shaped the political view of the British people.


Slavic Review ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 426-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Johanson

The reign of Alexander II witnessed an extraordinary expansion of women's medical education. The post-Crimean War regime saw the establishment of the first Russian medical courses which trained female physicians and the creation of a contingent of women doctors far outnumbering that of any contemporary European state. This remarkable advance of Russian women in the medical profession grew out of the experimental policies and the somewhat erratic nature of Alexander II's rule, which introduced sweeping, but often uncoordinated, domestic reforms and allowed favored statesmen to develop competing policies in their respective ministries. During the period 1855—81, the popular press, reveling in its recent release from Nicholas I's censorship, transformed the question of women's medical education into a major issue of public controversy.


1969 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 86-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
John F. Kutolowski

I can only say that the insurrection, however much of heroism and patriotic devotion it has subsequently embodied, appears to me to have been to a great extent artificially stimulated by a wonderfully dextrous management of the press and the telegraph and by a social machinery which no other nation than one of generations of illustrious exiles can command.Henry HotzeThe character of public opinion concerning contemporary foreign problems, despite abundant data and sophisticated analyses, is sometimes elusive; it is of course more tenuous respecting issues of an earlier era when polling techniques were unknown. Studies of mid-Victorian public opinion and foreign policy by B. Kingsley Martin on the Crimean War and Miriam B. Urban on the Italian War of Unification have by necessity equated the attitudes of the press, Parliament, and public addresses with public sentiment. They often assume that, under circumstances such as Russophobia and sympathy for national liberty, certain pin pricks of events elicit spontaneous and genuine expressions of public opinion. To be sure, this assumption has some validity. But owing to the paucity of documentary evidence, propaganda has received altogether too little attention.The writings of Polish agents for 1863 provide a basis for illuminating an instance of propaganda in the mechanics of mid-Victorian public sentiment. Yet J. H. Harley and K. S. Pasieka, while charting the course of English opinion in 1863, have almost completely ignored propaganda, while Henryk Wereszycki has treated it cursorily. This essay, consequently, aims to draw back the curtains a bit, go backstage, and observe how actors received suggestions, inducements, and sometimes even scripts to perform their roles.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Bock

In an era of high partisanship, salient issues have the potential to become flashpoints for both parties. Why, then, do parties not emphasize certain hot-button issues symmetrically? This paper argues that in order to answer this question, social scientists must study attitudes at three levels: (1) the aggregate, (2) between-party, and (3) within-party. Each level provides necessary information for understanding party strategy toward issues and the broader consequences of public opinion for institutional politics. Using several waves of ANES data between 1992 and 2016, I apply this analytic strategy to immigration—one of the most salient issues in U.S. and European politics—to understand why Democrats, unlike Republicans, have not touted immigration as a central issue of the party. The results suggest that Democrats may be reluctant to run on immigration because substantial intra-party disagreement make this strategy too risky; on the other hand, touting immigration poses little risk to a uniform Republican party and provides much upside in their potential to “wedge" a divided Democratic party. I conclude by discussing the consequences of within-party variation for our understanding of party coalitions and electoral strategy.


2002 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodney Brazier

Arguments are generated in an ad hoc way about the continuation of the monarchy. Such media-led arguments are no substitute for a rational analysis of constitutional issues, although of course public opinion has an important part to play in the future of any constitutional institution. At present there is not even a basic framework against which any such reasoned analysis could begin. While a case against the British monarchy has been constructed by several people, the silence of constitutional lawyers on the central issue of monarchy or republic is surprising, for what is that issue if not one concerning a central part of the constitution, and, indeed, a very pervasive one? The author,a constitutional lawyer, examines the constitutional arguments and implications about the alternatives of monarchy or republic in the United Kingdom and attempts to make clear which matters would require decision if the United Kingdom were to opt for republicanism. He demonstrates that a change to a British republic would require the resolution of many interrelated issues. Even the answer to the apparently simple question of principle of whether a monarchy or a republic is preferred may turn on the type of republic which was on offer. Conversion to a republic would involve wide and deep changes to much of the constitution because of the legal peculiarities of the ancient British monarchy. These are not insoluble difficulties, but they do mean that the abolition of the monarchy would be an intellectually challenging exercise.


1969 ◽  
Vol 124 (6) ◽  
pp. 761-763
Author(s):  
D. W. Atchley
Keyword(s):  

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document