The Civil War and Conflict Resolution in the Equatorial Atlantic

2018 ◽  
pp. 227-242
2008 ◽  
pp. 227-242
Author(s):  
Mark C. Hunter

This final chapter focuses on British and American naval responses to the outbreak of the American Civil War, particularly their efforts to contain their maritime disputes rather than let them spill into the fray. It gives significant attention to British policy-making regarding the Civil War, and traces the actions of parliament in the decision-making process that led to the evasion of the war. The latter half of the chapter brings the journal to an overall conclusion, reiterating the ability and necessity of sea power in maintaining peace during a period of peacetime fraught with anti-slavery and anti-piracy responsibilities.


2020 ◽  
pp. 109-115
Author(s):  
Anna Sharova

Anna Sharova reviews two recent books separately published by two English language authors – P. Martell and J. Young. The books are very different in style and mood. While P. Martell presents an excellent example of British journalist prose in the style of his elder compatriots Somerset Maugham and Graham Greene, who did their reporting and writing from exotic countries during fateful periods of history, J. Young offers a more academic, though no less ‘on the spot’ analysis of the situation in the youngest independent country of Africa. J. Young’s considers two possible approaches to conflict resolution as possible outcomes: non-intervention cum continuation of the war, or the introduction of international governance. P. Martell comes up with a disappointing prediction about the future of South Sudan. The war will go on, the famine will return, and the threat of genocide will not disappear. People will continue to flee the country, and refugee camps will grow. New warring groups will appear, new murders will be committed. Neighbouring states will not stop competing for influence and resources. New peacekeepers will arrive. Warlords will be accused of crimes, but, as before, they will escape punishment, while some will be promoted.


2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Zartman

AbstractPeace negotiators concentrate their mediation efforts on leaders of armed factions in their pursuit of political agreements to stop a civil war, and they exclude noncombatants and interest groups that can "spoil" the bargaining. This practice of exclusion often creates agreements that fail during implementation. Track two diplomacy efforts can overcome this failure by providing channels to include other interest groups and active parties. In Tajikistan, participants in a sustained dialogue intervention provided crucial influence to the negotiation of a civil war settlement, but the agreement itself only created a greater centralization of political power and institutions that excluded public political participation. However, participation in the dialogue transformed members and even some observers into effective practitioners developing a large number of public associations committed to conflict resolution. Therefore, the Inter-Tajik Dialogue in Tajikistan illustrates a successful strategy for overcoming the dynamics of exclusion that drive political settlements between military leaders. More importantly, sustained dialogue demonstrates possible strategies for building peace by stimulating the development of a more inclusive civic culture.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Penić ◽  
Daniel Dukes ◽  
Guy Elcheroth ◽  
Sumedha Jayakody ◽  
David Sander

AbstractIn countries emerging from civil war, inclusive empathy is important for conflict resolution yet may be difficult to promote. Widening the predominant focus on personal inclusive empathy for conflict resolution, we examine whether support for transitional justice mechanisms (TJ) can be predicted by how much an individual perceives inclusive empathy as being shared in their local communities. Our results, based on a probability sample survey in post-war Sri Lanka (N = 580), reveal that the effects of this perceived communal inclusive empathy can be distinguished from those of personally experienced inclusive empathy, and that the more respondents perceive inclusive empathy as prevalent in their communities, the more they support TJ mechanisms. However, the results also indicate the contextual limits of perceived communal inclusive empathy as a resource for conflict resolution: participants tend to underestimate the prevalence of inclusive empathy, especially in militarized minority communities, and the more they underestimate it, the less they support TJ mechanisms. This study corroborates the importance of social influence in conflict resolution, suggesting that perception of inclusive empathy as shared in one’s community is a key determinant of popular support for conflict-transforming policies.


Author(s):  
Fernanda Guimarães ◽  
Patrícia Nasser De Carvalho

The Security Council, responsible for maintaining a peaceful global order, promotesthe discussion and implementation of conflict resolution measures that representthreats to international security. The present work demonstrates that the impassesand conflicts of interest between its permanent member countries in the case of theSyrian civil war resulted in the lack of direct action of the organ and its inability tosolve the humanitarian crisis in question.


2008 ◽  
pp. 197-226
Author(s):  
Mark C. Hunter

This chapter examines how sea power was utilised and adjusted by America and Britain in order to diffuse political tensions and keep the balance of power and their individual commercial endeavours protected. In particular, it examines Anglo-American co-operation and conflict during the 1840s and 1850s; Spanish-American filibusters; naval policing; and the American Civil War. It concludes that by 1860, Britain and America were intent on avoiding conflict with one another, and that as civil war broke out in America, Britain avoided becoming embroiled in the conflict.


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