Dreaming ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-244
Author(s):  
Daohua Zhang ◽  
Qiong Li ◽  
Heyong Shen ◽  
Hang Song ◽  
Kai Xu ◽  
...  

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurman Kholis

Abstract. Many Muslims in the Riau Islands do not know the history of the development of Islamic theory from the center of power to spread to various corners. This is as the existence of the Great Mosque of Raja Haji Abdul Ghani (MBRHAG) on Buru Island, Karimun. Thus, to uncover the existence of this mosque, qualitative research methods are used so that history, architecture, and socio-religious functions can be known. Based on the results of the study it was concluded that the establishment of MBRHAG was initiated by Raja Haji Abdul Ghani. He was the first Amir (sub-district level government) of the kingdom of Riau-Lingga on Buru Island, in the 19th century. The architecture is a Chinese. Therefore, on the right side of this mosque is around 200 m, there is also the Sam Po Teng Temple and the Tri Dharma Dewa Bumi. Thus, the close location of the mosque with Chinese and Confucian worship houses's shows a harmonious relationship between Malay Muslims and Chinese Buddhists. In fact, in the continuation of this relationship there was information that a Chinese Buddhist had joined a Muslim friend to fast for half a month of Ramadan.Keywords: Mosque, Malay Muslims, Chinese Buddhists/Confucians, Harmonious RelationsAbstrak. Umat Islam di Kepulauan Riau banyak yang tidak mengenal sejarah perkembangan ajaran Islam dari pusat kekuasaan hingga tersebar ke berbagai pelosok. Hal ini sebagaimana keberadaan Masjid Besar Raja Haji Abdul Ghani (MBRHAG) di Pulau Buru, Karimun. Dengan demikian, untuk mengungkapkan keberadaan masjid ini digunakan metode penelitian kualitatif  agar dapat diketahui sejarah, arsitektur, dan fungsi sosial keagamaannya.  Berdasarkan hasil penelitian diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa pendirian MBRHAG diprakarsai oleh Raja Haji Abdul Ghani. Ia adalah Amir (pemerintah setingkat kecamatan) pertama kerajaan Riau-Lingga di Pulau Buru, pada abad ke-19. Adapun arsitekturnya adalah seorang Tionghoa. Karena itu, di sebelah kanan masjid ini sekitar 200 m juga terdapat Kelenteng Sam Po Teng dan cetya Tri Dharma Dewa Bumi. Dengan demikian, dekatnya lokasi masjid dengan rumah ibadah umat Tionghoa dan Khonghucu ini menunjukkan hubungan yang harmonis antara muslim Melayu dengan Budhis Tionghoa. Bahkan, dalam kelangsungan hubungan ini terdapat informasi seorang Buddhis Tionghoa pernah ikut temannya yang beragama muslim untuk berpuasa selama setengah bulan Ramadhan.Kata Kunci: Masjid, Muslim Melayu, Buddhis/Khonghucu Tionghoa, Hubungan Harmonis


Author(s):  
Jinah Kim

Abstract Cross-cultural exchanges between India and China during the first millennium are often understood through a Buddhist lens; by investigating the impact of Indian Buddhist sources, be they literary, doctrinal, or artistic, to receiving Chinese communities. In these cultural transactions, instigated by traveling pilgrim-monks and enacted by imperial power players in China, India emerges as a remote, idealized, and perhaps “hollow” center. Imagined or real, the importance of images of India in medieval Chinese Buddhist landscape has been established beyond doubt. What seems to be missing in this unidirectional looking is the impact of these cultural communications in India. What were the Indian responses to Chinese Buddhists' demands and their physical presence? How was China imagined and translated in medieval India? This essay proposes to locate the activities of Chinese monks in India and the iconographies of China-inspired Indian Buddhist images within the larger historical context of shifting cultural and political geography of the medieval Buddhist world. By exploring different types of evidence from borderlands, vis-à-vis the monolithic concepts of China and India, the essay also complicates the China–India studies' comparative model.


2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 332-339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shihui Han ◽  
Xiaosi Gu ◽  
Lihua Mao ◽  
Jianqiao Ge ◽  
Gang Wang ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
pp. 009164712110115
Author(s):  
Kenneth T. Wang ◽  
Miriam S. Kang ◽  
Hsiu-Chi Lee ◽  
Irene Sipan

The Religious Perfectionism Scale (RPS) was first developed among Chinese Buddhists, Christians, and Muslims. It consists of the following two subscales: Zealous Religious Dedication and Religious Self-Criticism. In this study, a cross-cultural psychometric evaluation of RPS was performed in a US Christian sample ( N = 233). The confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) results presented a strong data-to-model fit statistics for the two-factor oblique model (CFI = .977, SRMR = .051, RMSEA = .034) in the US sample. The measurement of invariance between US and Chinese samples was examined by multiple-group CFA. The results indicated that the RPS fulfilled invariance for factor loadings and residual variances, but intercepts were partially invariant. The internal consistency reliability coefficients for the two subscales were adequate (above .70). The construct validity test results confirmed our hypotheses that the ZRD was positively correlated with Religious Commitment ( r = .56), and the RSC was positively correlated with Scrupulosity ( r = .58). Overall results suggest that the RPS is a promising measure of religious perfectionism for Christians in the United States. The implications of this were discussed.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 438-453
Author(s):  
Robert Cummings Neville
Keyword(s):  

On the one hand, Chinese traditions of philosophy are famous for emphasizing that things are changes, that reality is filled with processes rather than substances. This philosophy was present at least from the Yijing onward and was developed in diverse ways by Confucians, Daoists, and then Chinese Buddhists. But there has not been a similar rich development of the idea of eternity, that nontemporal context within which change can be recognized and measured. This article argues, first, that change presupposes an ontological context of eternity and, second, that eternity so conceived can be experienced and even interpreted in terms of the Chinese traditions.


Author(s):  
Dan Lusthaus

When Buddhism first entered China from India and Central Asia two thousand years ago, Chinese favourably disposed towards it tended to view it as a part or companion school of the native Chinese Huang–Lao Daoist tradition, a form of Daoism rooted in texts and practices attributed to Huangdi (the Yellow Emperor) and Laozi. Others, less accepting of this ‘foreign’ incursion from the ‘barbarous’ Western Countries, viewed Buddhism as an exotic and dangerous challenge to the social and ethical Chinese civil order. For several centuries, these two attitudes formed the crucible within which the Chinese understanding of Buddhism was fashioned, even as more and more missionaries arrived (predominantly from Central Asia) bringing additional texts, concepts, rituals, meditative disciplines and other practices. Buddhists and Daoists borrowed ideas, terminology, disciplines, cosmologies, institutional structures, literary genres and soteric models from each other, sometimes so profusely that today it can be difficult if not impossible at times to determine who was first to introduce a certain idea. Simultaneously, polemical and political attacks from hostile Chinese quarters forced Buddhists to respond with apologia and ultimately reshape Buddhism into something the Chinese would find not only inoffensive, but attractive. In the fifth century ad, Buddhism began to extricate itself from its quasi-Daoist pigeonhole by clarifying definitive differences between Buddhist and Daoist thought, shedding Daoist vocabulary and literary styles while developing new distinctively Buddhist terminology and genres. Curiously, despite the fact that Mahāyāna Buddhism had few adherents in Central Asia and was outnumbered by other Buddhist schools in India as well, in China Mahāyāna became the dominant form of Buddhism, so much so that few pejoratives were as stinging to a fellow Buddhist as labelling him ‘Hīnayāna’ (literally ‘Little Vehicle,’ a polemical term for non-Mahāyānic forms of Buddhism). By the sixth century, the Chinese had been introduced to a vast array of Buddhist theories and practices representing a wide range of Indian Buddhist schools. As the Chinese struggled to master these doctrines it became evident that, despite the fact that these schools were all supposed to express the One Dharma (Buddha’s Teaching), their teachings were not homogenous, and were frequently incommensurate. By the end of the sixth century, the most pressing issue facing Chinese Buddhists was how to harmonize the disparities between the various teachings. Responses to this issue produced the Sinitic Mahāyāna schools, that is, Buddhist schools that originated in China rather than India. The four Sinitic schools are Tiantai, Huayan, Chan and Pure Land (Jingtu). Issues these schools share in common include Buddha-nature, mind, emptiness, tathāgatagarbha, expedient means (upāya), overcoming birth and death (saṃsāra), and enlightenment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2-3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Heng Li ◽  
Yu Cao

Abstract Previous research suggests that both patterns in orthography and cultural-specific associations of space-time affect how people map space onto time. In the current study, we focused on Chinese Buddhists, an understudied population, investigating how religious experiences influence their mental representations of time. Results showed that Chinese Buddhists could represent time spatially corresponding to left-to-right, right-to-left and top-to-bottom orientations in their religious scripts. Specifically, they associated earlier events with the starting point of the reading and later times with the endpoint. We also found that Chinese Buddhists were more likely to represent time in a clockwise way than Chinese atheists. This is because Buddhism regards time as cyclic and consisting of repeating ages (i.e. Wheel of Time). Taken together, we provide first psychological evidence that Chinese Buddhists’ spatial representations of time are different from atheists’, due to their religious experiences, namely, both the reading direction in Buddhist texts and Buddhist concepts of time.


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