The 1945 European Social Pact

2021 ◽  
pp. 83-117
Keyword(s):  
2005 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELIZA W. Y. LEE

This article discusses the politics of social policy development in Hong Kong following the Asian financial crisis. It examines the cause, mode and political significance of social policy reform in an Asian late industrialiser that has been experiencing the twin pressures of economic globalisation and socio-economic change. Financial austerity has prompted the state to adopt social policy reforms through re-commodification and cost containment, resulting in the retrenchment of the residual welfare state. The state's policy choices are structured by local politics, including the state of political development and the path dependence nature of policy change. The article questions the effectiveness of the social authoritarian approaches adopted by the state in attempting to renegotiate the social pact with its citizens, and contends that progressive development in social policy is inevitably bound to democratisation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 39 (6) ◽  
pp. 1251-1275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Graig Castater ◽  
Kyung Joon Han
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-36
Author(s):  
Laura Guarino ◽  
Stefano Portelli

Abstract Resettlement programs have always been in the political agenda of public institutions and administrators of Casablanca since its growth during the French Protectorate. Today real estate and private multinational capital sneak into local and national powers, pushing public authorities to clear land for new urban development through demolition and resettlement of local residents. The dwellers of areas such as the old town centre (medina) and the slums (karyan) increasingly react to displacement by challenging this urban agenda frontally with their bodies and words, but often also deploying what James Scott calls “weapons of the weak”, i.e. implicit acts of resistance and symbolic dissent. Reversing Asef Bayat’s statement, we consider residents of these stigmatized neighbourhoods “revolutionaries without a revolution”, partisans of an intimate cause of their own, that aims at having a home and surviving in a hostile city. Our reflections are the product of two separate fieldwork researches: one with the inhabitants of informal neighbourhoods, another with residents and former residents of the old medina. The two cases show how resettlement affects the sense of belonging and of cohesion of low-income classes by uprooting the founding element of the everyday life: the house. The uncertainty about the possibility to keep their own home deeply conditions the implicit social pact with the monarchy apparatus, and may represent one of the conditions that are undermining the allegiance to the monarchy itself.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
F. L. Valenzuela

Abstract. The company has prioritized like objective the satisfaction of the owner, by means of the maximization of the present value of the company and the exclusive obtaining of utilities; approach that has left to the margin the other groups that have interest in the company, calls stakeholders: workers, clients, suppliers, community, government, citizenship and environment. The presentsocial problems and the deterioration of the environment, demonstrate the failure of the traditional enterprise model, reason why it sets out to change of approach: an enterprise philosophy of social responsibility that considers the interests of all the participants in the enterprise system, with the identification and practice of basic values and other complementary ones, compatibles with social aims, that are included in the enterprise strategy and its daily actions. This new model of management based on values could be made specific by means of a social pact laid out by the companies, constituting itself in roll of the employers one that would contribute to the solution of many problems of the society.Key words: Aims, company, enterprise social responsibility, philosophy, stakeholders, strategy, valuesResumen. La empresa ha priorizado como objetivo la satisfacción del dueño, mediante la maximización del valor actual de la empresa y la exclusiva obtención de utilidades; paradigma que ha dejado al margen los demás grupos que tienen interés en la empresa, llamados stakeholders: trabajadores, clientes, proveedores, comunidad, gobierno, ciudadanía y medio ambiente. Los problemas sociales actuales y el deterioro del medio ambiente, evidencian elfracaso del modelo tradicional, por lo que se propone cambiar de enfoque: una filosofía empresarial de responsabilidad social que tenga en cuenta los intereses de todos los participantes en el sistema empresarial, con la identificación y práctica de unos valores básicos y otros complementarios, congruentes con unos fines sociales, que se incluyan en la estrategia y en sus acciones cotidianas. Este nuevo modelo de gestión basado en valores se podría concretar mediante un pacto social jalonado por las empresas, constituyéndose en el rol del empresariado que contribuiría a la solución de muchos problemas de la sociedad.Palabras Claves. Accionistas, empresa, estrategia, filosofía, metas, responsabilidad social empresarial, valores


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-268
Author(s):  
Léon-Eli Troclet

I . Confronted with the acuteness of the socio-economic problems the two major labour organizations (i.e. : the socialist and the christiandemocratic trade union confederation) have in 1976 strengthened their «Common Trade Unions' Front» (with about two million members on a total of 2,300,000 wage- and salary earners in Belgium) in view of their negotiations with employers and with the government, to which the trade unions have submitted a common platform.The common front, that has its antecedents on the local, regional and professional level has never been and never will be of a permanent nature, some sort of organic unit. Each confederation maintains its own identity and the front is meant to be re-animated according to the circumstances.II. From the employers' side (and to some extent completely independent from the trade unions' common front) representatives of employers' organizations have «as a personal point of view» and, no doubt, as a preliminary approach, launched the idea that a new and very comprehensive «social pact» should be negotiated.  The socialist trade unions clearly tend to reject this idea, since it maywell lead to a further integration in the capitalist system, whereas the christiandemocratic union seems to be rather in favour of such a pact.In the present state of affairs (end of June, 1977) the probability that it be realized is rather low indeed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 1362-1381
Author(s):  
Moritz Peter Herrmann

By voiding the previous social pact, including the predominant conception of racial integration, the Brazilian military regime (1964–1985) created the conditions for a radical understanding of Black difference, which found its leading motif in the memory of the Quilombo of Palmares, a historical community of rebel slaves. A new Black movement understood its cultural and historical experience as containing a utopian legacy, an alternative for a Brazil marked by racism and inequality. To overcome its problems of legitimation, the regime set into motion a process of gradual democratization. The need to symbolically and culturally accomplish this transition created an institutional breach for the memory politics of the Black movement. In this context, the inclusion of the Serra da Barriga, a site of the war against Palmares, into national cultural heritage became the testing grounds for novel politics of culture that changed both the understanding of Brazilian nationhood and Black difference, as represented in the memory of Palmares.


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