military regime
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Giulia Riccò

The novel K. Relato de uma busca, whose publication coincided with the Brazilian National Truth Commission, has proven remarkably more effective in producing a public and institutional reckoning with the crimes of the military regime than any of the institutional mechanisms implemented by the government or any other testimonial novel previously written about the abuses of the military regime. Its appeal, in part, has to do with Kucinski’s usage of various discourses—fiction, testimonial, epistolary—that successfully challenge the authoritative, and non-dialogic discourse of the military regime. This essay argues that in this novel, politics and fiction are inverted: instead of having a law that fictionalizes the memory of the violence perpetrated by the dictatorship, we have a work of fiction that, by memorializing the struggle of a father in search of his disappeared daughter, brings the crimes committed by the military back into the political discourse.

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 1362-1381
Moritz Peter Herrmann

By voiding the previous social pact, including the predominant conception of racial integration, the Brazilian military regime (1964–1985) created the conditions for a radical understanding of Black difference, which found its leading motif in the memory of the Quilombo of Palmares, a historical community of rebel slaves. A new Black movement understood its cultural and historical experience as containing a utopian legacy, an alternative for a Brazil marked by racism and inequality. To overcome its problems of legitimation, the regime set into motion a process of gradual democratization. The need to symbolically and culturally accomplish this transition created an institutional breach for the memory politics of the Black movement. In this context, the inclusion of the Serra da Barriga, a site of the war against Palmares, into national cultural heritage became the testing grounds for novel politics of culture that changed both the understanding of Brazilian nationhood and Black difference, as represented in the memory of Palmares.

2021 ◽  
pp. 273-301
Graeme Gill

The aim of this chapter is to examine the effect institutions have on the adoption and operation of rules. It therefore explains differences in the way the rules have worked in the different regimes by aspects of the different institutional structures. The military regime with its centralized command ethos, the electoral authoritarian regime with a party designed to compete in a competitive electoral process, the personalization of power in the personal dictatorship and the family in the dynastic monarchy, all had significant impacts on the way the rules functioned in those regimes. The findings of this chapter throw doubt on the common claim that institutions are not very important in authoritarian regimes.

Zhang Rui

The article concludes that Kuprin's prose has some influence on Green's work. The biographical basis of their army prose, the similarity of the authors' positions in describing the dramatic fate of a soldier and his psychological trauma, the suppression of his individuality by the army system, the conflict between self-awareness and depersonalization, the fear factor of a person who is naturally incapable of a military regime are pointed out. The following differences are noted: Kuprin reinforces the motive of pity for the humiliated soldier at the expense of the motive of sympathy for him by a young military officer - a protogonist and reasoner; in Green's stories, the characters don’t have double identities; Green's social revolutionary views led to the appearance of a rebel soldier in his stories, but the soldier is a passive character in Kuprin's stories.

2021 ◽  
pp. 263497952110427
Florencia Marchetti

Pivoting on the body/life of the ethnographer as a point of impact, this article will offer a multimodal account of the ripple effects of state sponsored terror as lived in Argentina (1976–1983) and re-sensed in Canada throughout the Maple Spring and its aftermath (2012). Threading a series of theoretical and ethnographic vignettes, a conceptual weaving emerges that travels back and forth in time, working against the perceptual attack on the population produced by the military regime.

2021 ◽  
pp. 073401682110380
Eduardo Saad-Diniz

The essay aims to exam corporate complicity with authoritarian regimes of the past and contemporary practices for the purposes of developing the body of corporate criminology. The opening of Brazilian criminological research to the role of companies during the military regime shines new lights on corporate accountability and may, when investigating the corporate complicity with authoritarian dynamics, also open new avenues for the transitional justice studies. Especially with regard to the idea of Corporate Transitional Justice, it assumes the need for broader debates about the historical continuum and different forms of business contributions and aspects of harming and victimizing in the corporate field.

Significance The military regime continues to crack down on anti-coup protesters. The National Unity Government (NUG) -- a parallel administration established by ousted lawmakers and other protest leaders -- has formed a People’s Defence Force (PDF) and seeks the support of ethnically based insurgents involved in long-running conflicts with the military. Impacts Rising violence will make it harder for Myanmar to contain its upsurge in COVID-19 cases. Cross-border drug trafficking will increase as the military eases up on local cartels in return for political support. Western powers will ramp up sanctions on the military while continuing to strive to limit the impact of these measures on wider society.

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (34) ◽  
Abidemi Abiola ◽  
Rasak Adetunji Adefabi

Gross domestic product is the commonest economic vari- able that is used to measure economic performance, either for intertemporal or international comparison. Nigeria as a country has been ruled since independence by two sets of regimes: the military and the civilian. Arguments were and still are concerned with which of the two regimes favoured the country economically. The study therefore estimates the gross domestic product of Nigeria using Chow test. The essence of Chow test is to determine if there was structural break from the point the country fully began civilian dis- pensation from the previous military regime. Using both the F statistic and the Chow test, the results show that there was indeed structural break between the military regime and the civilian regime. This result was further confirmed by the Cusum Square test that shows that the overall model was unstable before the correction. The results further show that out of five components of aggregate demand, four of the variables have coefficients higher during the civilian than the military regime. The study therefore concluded that civilian rule is better economically than military rule in Nigeria. It was recommended that politicians and politi- cal office holders should act within the ambit of the law to sustain the democracy the country is currently enjoying.

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