The Ball Game, Community Ceremony, and Political Development in Northwestern Belize

THE REVOLUTION SETTLEMENT OF 1689–90 repudiated many of the principles and policies of royal government in the Restoration period. But while their responses were different, James VII and the makers of the settlement sought solutions to the same fundamental problems. By studying the upheavals of the 1685–90 period, we have focused on two sets of challenges confronting the rulers of seventeenth-century Scotland. The first concerned the character of the established Church. How was it to be constituted and what was the appropriate role for the monarch in its government? How should the civil magistrate deal with religious dissent? A second cluster of problems involved the crown’s power and authority. Was the king ‘absolute’ and what did this mean in practice? To what extent was local government in Scotland autonomous, and how far was it amenable to central direction?...

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China's Political Development

Far Eastern Survey ◽

10.1525/as.1943.12.20.01p12853 ◽

1943 ◽

Vol 12 (20) ◽

pp. 195-198

Author(s):

N. C. Liu

Keyword(s):

Political Development

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National Integration and Political Development in Pakistan

Asian Survey ◽

10.1525/as.1967.7.12.01p0325s ◽

1967 ◽

Vol 7 (12) ◽

pp. 876-885 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Talukder Maniruzzaman

Keyword(s):

Political Development ◽

National Integration

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Reconsideration of the Research Trajectory on the Carceral State

National Review of Black Politics ◽

10.1525/nrbp.2020.1.2.192 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 1 (2) ◽

pp. 192-207

Author(s):

Juliette Barbera

Keyword(s):

Political Science ◽

Political Development ◽

American Political Development ◽

The Political ◽

Carceral State ◽

Research Framework ◽

Research Production ◽

Fields Of Study ◽

Theoretical Perspectives ◽

And Control

For decades, both incarceration and research on the topic have proliferated. Disciplines within the Western sciences have studied the topic of incarceration through their respective lenses. Decades of data reflect trends and consequences of the carceral state, and based on that data the various disciplines have put forth arguments as to how the trends and consequences are of relevance to their respective fields of study. The research trajectory of incarceration research, however, overlooks the assumptions behind punishment and control and their institutionalization that produce and maintain the carceral state and its study. This omission of assumptions facilitates a focus on outcomes that serve to reinforce Western perspectives, and it contributes to the overall stagnation in the incarceration research produced in Western disciplines. An assessment of the study of the carceral state within the mainstream of American Political Development in the political science discipline provides an example of how the research framework contributes to the overall stagnation, even though the framework of the subfield allows for an historical institutionalization perspective. The theoretical perspectives of Cedric J. Robinson reveal the limits of Western lenses to critically assess the state. The alternative framework he provides to challenge the limits imposed on research production by Western perspectives applies to the argument presented here concerning the limitations that hamper the study of the carceral state.

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Police Department and Slavophil Political Discourse

Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” ◽

10.24030/24092517-2019-0-2-123-136 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 54 ◽

pp. 123-136

Author(s):

Lyubov V. Ulyanova

Keyword(s):

Comparative Analysis ◽

Political Development ◽

Political Discourse ◽

Police Department ◽

Russian Empire ◽

The Political ◽

Public Figures ◽

To Come ◽

The Russian Empire

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.

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