An Experience Exploration in the Relationships of Out-of-school Youths Using Haslam’s Social Identity Model

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 1255-1288
Author(s):  
Wook-Hyun Kwon ◽  
So-Jung Heo ◽  
Young-Ae Kim ◽  
Dong-Hun Lee
2000 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 191-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly S. Fielding ◽  
Michael A. Hogg

Summary: A social identity model of effort exertion in groups is presented. In contrast to most traditional research on productivity and performance motivation, the model is assumed to apply to groups of all sizes and nature, and to all membership contingent norms that specify group behaviors and goals. It is proposed that group identification renders behavior group-normative and encourages people to behave in line with group norms. The effect should be strengthened among people who most need consensual identity validation from fellow members, and in intergroup contexts where there is inescapable identity threat from an outgroup. Together these processes should encourage people to exert substantial effort on behalf of their group.


2018 ◽  
Vol 125 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Immo Fritsche ◽  
Markus Barth ◽  
Philipp Jugert ◽  
Torsten Masson ◽  
Gerhard Reese

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chuma Kevin Owuamalam ◽  
Mark Rubin ◽  
Russell Spears

Do the disadvantaged have an autonomous system justification motivation that operates against their personal and group interests? System justification theory (SJT; Jost & Banaji, 1994) proposes that they do, and that this motivation helps to (a) reduce cognitive dissonance and associated uncertainties and (b) soothe the pain that is associated with knowing that one’s group is subject to social inequality. However, 25 years of research on this system justification motivation has given rise to several theoretical and empirical inconsistencies. The present article argues that these inconsistencies can be resolved by a social identity model of system attitudes (SIMSA; Owuamalam, Rubin, & Spears, 2018). SIMSA assumes that instances of system justification are often in alignment with (rather than opposed to) the interests of the disadvantaged. According to SIMSA, the disadvantaged may support social systems (a) in order to acknowledge social reality, (b) when they perceive the wider social system to constitute a superordinate ingroup, and (c) because they hope to improve their ingroup’s status through existing channels in the long run. These propositions are corroborated by existing and emerging evidence. We conclude that SIMSA offers a more coherent and parsimonious explanation for system justification than does SJT.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danielle P. Ochoa ◽  
Eric Julian Manalastas ◽  
Makiko Deguchi ◽  
Winnifred R. Louis

Men have an important role as allies in reducing discrimination against women. Following the Social Identity Model of Collective Action (SIMCA), we examined whether men's identification with women would predict their allied collective action, alongside moral convictions, efficacy, and anger. We also examined whether identification with their own ingroup would decrease their willingness to improve women's situation. We tested the SIMCA, extended to consider ingroup identification among men, in Japan (N = 103) and the Philippines (N = 131). Consistent with the SIMCA, moral convictions and group efficacy predicted men's willingness to engage in collective action to fight discrimination against women. However, anger was not significant, and identification with the advantaged and disadvantaged groups played different roles in the two countries. We discuss the possible role of norms and legitimacy in society in explaining the pattern of results.


2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 114-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kwan-Lamar Blount-Hill

AbstractThe connection between social identity and attitudes toward the criminal justice system (CJS) is an area of interest among criminologists and legitimacy scholars. Previous work has proposed a social identity theory of legitimation, positing that individuals categorize CJS officials as either in-group (i.e. legitimate authority) or out-group (i.e. illegitimate enforcer). Subsequently, how individuals perceive their CJS – including the sincerity of its commitment to the rule of law – is tied to this relationship. Those viewing the government as an out-group oppressor are less likely to accept its legitimacy. This article explores this thesis. From the perspective of system justification theory, how the CJS is categorized should depend on how strongly an individual identifies as belonging to a group disadvantaged by the CJS. System justification theorists hypothesize that system justification (including acceptance of system legitimacy) is more likely when members of disadvantaged groups believe that group interests are less important. Alternative models that explain attitudes toward the system by using social identity theory suggest the opposite: Those who identify more strongly with disadvantaged groups and hold their interests to be more important nonetheless justify oppositional systems and view them legitimately. The present study uses a sample of Black Americans (a disadvantaged group in the American CJS) to determine whether group identification predicts system justification.


Author(s):  
Tim Newburn

Abstract This article responds to Stott et al.’s ‘Patterns of disorder in the 2019 protests in Hong Kong’. In that paper, they offer a social psychological analysis of the Hong Kong events and, in so doing, draw upon the ‘Elaborated Social Identity Model’, and deploy it as the basis for understanding the escalating tensions and violence that occurred through 2019. This model has a number of positive features, not least that it foregrounds rationality and the organized and purposive nature of collective conduct while also paying careful attention to the wider context in which identity within large groups is formed and reformed. The aim in this article is simply to point to the importance of situating such an account within a wider historical sociology, in particular, considering the longer-term ‘life-cycle’ of riot and violent protest. Utilizing Sewell’s notion of ‘events’, the article seeks to point to the ways in which such signal phenomena may be considered to have laid the foundations for at least elements of what occurred subsequently. Such an approach provides a basis within which the growth of Hong Kong’s localism may be situated, as well as offering a longer-term context for understanding the rapidly shifting position occupied by Hong Kong’s police.


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