“No Solution Offers Except Coercion”

Author(s):  
Robert Mickey

There is no one way, but many. … The South proposes to use all of them that make for resistance. [Brown] tortured the Constitution—the South will torture the decision. —John Temple Graves, strategist of massive resistance (1955) Must South Carolina indulge bluster and vituperation in place of summoning candor and courage? Have ignorance, poverty, and prejudice fed on each other until the white community has sunk to second-rate capacity? … Some will say that the conscience of the state is dead. … If that is true, no solution offers except coercion, while we entertain the hope that prudent acquiescence will substitute for more valorous self-correction. If the white people of South Carolina furnish no worthy response in the crisis, then humiliation and rehabilitation by other hands is their portion....

1991 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Noll

In 1927, the biennial report of the State Board of Charities and Corrections of the Commonwealth of Kentucky warned that “the feeble-minded of the colored race present a greater menace than do the white.…We do desire to point out the utter lack of any provision for colored feeble-minded.” In spite of this admonition, southern states took little notice of their black feebleminded population. Nineteen years after the Kentucky report, the South Carolina Director of Public Welfare admitted that “the care of mentally deficient and mentally ill persons in the same institution is distinctly undesirable, but…the Hospital's efforts to secure provision of a separate training school for mentally deficient negroes have to date been unsuccessful.”


Author(s):  
Scott V. Harder ◽  
Joseph A. Gellici ◽  
Andrew Wachob ◽  
Charles A. Pellett

Economic development, environmental protection, and public health are critical quality-of-life issues that depend on a reliable supply of water. Increased water demand and climate variability (drought) are two major factors that have the potential to limit future water availability in the state of South Carolina. The development of a comprehensive water-resources management plan for the state is vital for ensuring that an adequate and reliable supply of water will be available to sustain all future uses. The South Carolina Department of Natural Resources (SCDNR) is tasked legislatively with developing water planning and policy initiatives in the state and has initiated a long-term process to update the state water plan, last published in 2004. One of the major recommendations in the 2004 plan was to form River Basin Councils (RBCs) in each of the major river basins in the state for the purpose of water planning. In 2014, SCDNR initiated a multiyear process to develop regional water plans that will serve as the foundation for a new state water plan. A central component of the process was the creation of a Planning Process Advisory Committee (PPAC) for the purpose of developing formal guidelines on the formation of RBCs and the development of river basin plans for the eight designated river basins in the state. The PPAC is composed of a diverse group of stakeholders and includes representation from water utilities, energy utilities, trade organizations, academia, conservation groups, agriculture, and the general public. The work of the PPAC culminated in a report, the South Carolina State Water Planning Framework, which was published in October of 2019. The river basin plans will identify current and future water availability issues and describe a management plan to address these issues to ensure that an adequate and reliable supply of water will be available for future generations. The purpose of this paper is to provide a general overview of the state’s river basin planning process.


1989 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 292-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcia G. Synnott

By the 1950s, two contrasting strategies of white leadership were emerging in the South: “massive resistance” and “moderation.” Both were equally committed in principle to a defense of segregation, but they employed different tactics: The former trumpeted “defiance,” the later counseled “delay.” The strategists of-“massive resistance,” who for a decade largely dominated politics in Alabama and Mississippi, were convinced that any concession, even a tactical one, would be a dangerous break in the dike of segregation. They believed that defiance could deter the federal government from enforcing the university desegregation decisions and Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954; 1955). On the other hand, the strategists of “moderation,” who gained political ascendancy in South Carolina, maneuvered within the law, first to postpone implementation of Brown, and then to determine the minimum amount of desegregation that blacks would accept, which would not at the same time inflame white racists. In effect, they used skillful tactics of delay to “moderate” both white racism and black aspirations. Ultimately, they were more successful in achieving their objectives than the resisters, because they avoided sweeping federal interventions.


Author(s):  
J. W. Judd ◽  
W. E. Hidden ◽  
J. H. Pratt

Parts of the State of North Carolina, with adjoining areas in South Carolina and Georgia, have long been known to mineralogists and geologists as among the most interesting of corundum localities; and the researches of the late Dr. Genth, Col. Joseph Willcox, Mr. J. Volney Lewis and many other authors have done much to make clear the mode of occurrence and associations of corundum in this area and in the great eorundiferous belt stretching along the line of the Appalachian crystalline area from Alabama in the south to Maine in the north.


1966 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 212-432
Author(s):  
Robert Wauchope

For purposes of this study, the Appalachian archaeological region of Georgia will designate that part of the state north of the following course from the South Carolina border in the northeast, southwestward to Alabama: the confluence of the Chatooga and Tallulah Rivers, thence along the northwest boundary of Banks County to a point just south of Gainesville, along an irregular line midway between the Chattahoochee Drainage on the south and the Etowah Drainage on the north. This meandering course passes through northern Forsyth County, south along the right bank of Vickery Creek to Alpharetta, westward through Cobb County north of Marietta to Dallas in Paulding County, thence almost due west, skirting the headwaters of Pumpkinvine Creek and following the Polk-Caralson county line to Alabama


1989 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. R. Oldfield

In recent years historians have begun to show considerable interest in the legal history of the South. But while much of this interest has touched on Southern lawyers and notions of professionalization, scant attention has been paid to the scores of black lawyers who were admitted to the bar in the post-Civil War period. Who were these men? Where did they acquire their legal training and at what cost? What sort of practices did they run? How successful were they? What follows is an attempt to answer some of these questions, taking as a case study the state of South Carolina, cradle of secession, and, by any measure, one of the most conservative (and recalcitrant) Southern states during the Reconstruction and Redemption periods.


Author(s):  
Robert Mickey

This chapter examines how the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v. Board of Education sparked a crisis over the desegregation of Clemson College in South Carolina. Prior to Brown, South Carolina's rulers sought to preempt the invalidation of state-mandated segregation by improving black education. After the ruling, they launched a strategy of massive resistance: decrying, deterring, and deferring threats to white supremacy in the public sphere. The chapter first reviews the state of black education before Brown and South Carolina's attempts to preempt the decision. It then considers the state's responses to Brown in the 1950s and early 1960s, showing that its leaders attacked both white civil society and black protest organizations. It also describes how the state bolstered its institutional resources to manage democratization pressures and concludes with an assessment of how politicians capitalized on ruling party cohesion and an improved coercive apparatus to navigate the Clemson crisis.


Author(s):  
Eric C. Smith

While most Baptists ultimately supported the American Revolution, many approached the conflict with a certain ambivalence, especially in New England and Virginia, where many of the Patriot leaders had actively suppressed their religious freedoms. Oliver Hart enthusiastically backed the cause of liberty from the beginning. At age fifty-two he accepted an assignment from the South Carolina Council of Safety to join the Patriot leader William Henry Drayton and the Presbyterian William Tennent III on a recruiting mission into the Tory-infested Carolina backcountry. While Hart found this to be rugged and distressing work, the mission was successful overall. Hart used the occasion of the new South Carolina state constitution to broker something of a merger between the formerly estranged Regular and Separate Baptists of the state, believing that they could gain greater concessions for religious freedom if they displayed a unified front to the state. When the British Army invaded Charleston in 1780, Hart’s conspicuous patriotism marked him for reparations from the Crown, and he fled northward in the company of Edmund Botsford. He would never return to the South.


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