scholarly journals A road to island sovereignty and empowerment? Fiji’s aims within the Belt and Road Initiative

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrien Rodd

Though peripheral to China’s policies of global engagement, the small island developing states (SIDS) of the Pacific are becoming an annex to Beijing’s project for a 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Traditionally part of the West’s exclusive sphere of influence, the Pacific Islands have become a contested space, seeking to benefit from the rivalries between the major powers. Among the foremost of these small island states is Fiji, whose Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama has enhanced Fiji’s engagement with China. His government has sought to raise Fiji’s profile on the international stage, seeking to be a regional power among the small states of the Pacific, and to carry the latter’s voice and interests to global fora. Though on significantly different scales, both China and Fiji have embraced a form of ‘go global’ ambition. This paper examines the concrete and theoretical aspects of China’s involvement in Fiji within the BRI and what Beijing and Suva each hope to achieve from this partnership. It will consider potential long-term trends, and whether this initiative may be empowering for Fiji and will discuss whether a SIDS can repurpose to its own advantage a much more powerful state’s initiative, despite the latter’s relative lack of interest in remote small island countries.

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-192
Author(s):  
Chunlin Li ◽  
Jianqing Chen ◽  
Adam Grydehøj

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a project conceptualized and developed by the Chinese state, aims to enhance international cooperation, address issues of shared regional and global concern, and create opportunities for foreign direct investment in struggling economies. The BRI can be seen as a system for supplying global public goods, including sustainable development within which issues related to climate change sit. A great many small island states and territories are participating in the BRI, particularly in its constituent 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road. However, the BRI has not yet placed sufficient focus on climate change adaptation or issues specific to small islands. Furthermore, the BRI’s conceptual basis in rhetoric of mutual dependence and a community of common destiny have not always been evident in the individual activities that have been carried out within the BRI. If the BRI’s goals are to be taken seriously, it must do more to focus on the needs and perspectives of island communities, particularly with regard to climate change adaptation. This paper presents a framework for action to strengthen the BRI’s approach to islands and climate change adaptation in terms of information sharing, scientific and technological cooperation, financial support, and capacity building within a global governance framework.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Elspeth Davidson

<p>This study looks at the relevance of regional organisations in the Pacific Island region. It analyses the history of the key regional organisations: the Secretariat of the Pacific Community (SPC) and the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat (PIFS). Since their establishment, there has been extensive criticism of the work of these organisations. This study tests and analyses the issue of legitimacy within supra-national organisations, and questions whether regionalism in the Pacific is an anachronism of the past.  In the Pacific, regionalism puts out a compelling argument for its existence. Throughout the region, small island developing states are spread across the world’s largest ocean. Pacific Island states face many challenges, including: small economies, geographical disadvantages, vulnerability to climate change, varying availability to resources and a diverse range of cultures and languages. Regionalism provides a chance for these island states to influence world policy, build capacity in the region, promote good governance, maintain peaceful neighbourly relations, and create positive development outcomes.  The methodology uses qualitative research of document analysis and semi-structured interviews with key informants. The research claims a social constructivist epistemology and uses an inductive conceptual framework in order to find solutions to the complex challenges of Pacific regionalism.  It was found that regional organisations need to increase their transparency in order to enhance their legitimacy. They need provide a clearer evidence base, where all Pacific people can recognise and understand the benefit of regional organisations. The organisations need to work strategically to be nimble and reactive to upcoming critical junctures and issues. Council of Regional Organisations in the Pacific (CROP) agencies need to coordinate better amongst themselves, open up communication with all stakeholders and create clearer mandates. In order to promote positive development, all stakeholders and Pacific people need to take ownership of these organisations, and support the Framework for Pacific Regionalism process. This study argues that there is great potential for regionalism in the Pacific, but this will only be possible if the region works collectively to enhance the legitimacy of these organisations.</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 04 (03) ◽  
pp. 419-437
Author(s):  
Jiarui Liang

Separated by the vast Pacific Ocean, China and Pacific Island countries have been interlinked through vigorous ocean diplomacy which helps strengthen their political, economic and cultural relations. Based upon common perceptions and with new momentum generated under China’s “Belt and Road Initiative (BRI),” both sides can join hands in building a community of shared future for their mutual benefits. With regard to the cultural diversity, colonial history, group identity and various legitimate concerns of Pacific Island countries, China needs to adopt a more comprehensive and pragmatic approach in order to achieve win-win cooperation.


Author(s):  
Denghua Zhang

Abstract China’s rise in the Pacific has brought the region into the limelight, but research into the views of Chinese scholars of Pacific Studies is limited. Building on a survey and interviews of 39 Chinese scholars, this article analyses China’s motives, influence, and prospects in the Pacific. It finds out that Chinese scholars list China’s diplomatic strategy, the Belt and Road Initiative, and economic interests as the three main causes of China’s Pacific diplomacy. The majority of these scholars rate the performance of China’s Pacific diplomacy as pass/average. Most Chinese scholars are cautiously optimistic about the Belt and Road Initiative in the Pacific, and they expect China to both compete and cooperate with traditional powers in the Pacific in the foreseeable future. Some of these scholars’ views on issues like the China–Taiwan diplomatic competition and the impact of Chinese aid on local corruption contradict the official Chinese line strikingly.


2019 ◽  
Vol 237 ◽  
pp. 196-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoram Evron

AbstractSceptics query China's economic and political ability to realize its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Less attention has been paid to BRI's implications for one of the defining features of China's foreign policy: low engagement in areas beyond its traditional sphere of influence. The Middle East is such a case. Addressing this issue, the article explores the mutual impact of China's low political involvement in the Middle East and BRI's realization. Distinguishing cross-border connectivity projects from other BRI-associated activities, the article examines the challenges to executing BRI-related projects in Israel. It finds that realizing connectivity projects – the essence of the BRI vision – will require China to increase its regional engagement, a shift that it has so far avoided.


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan-Felipe Toro-Fernandez ◽  
Jaime Tijmes-Ihl

PurposeThrough the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China has built bilateral relations with Latin American states. The purpose of this article is to explore the potential for using the Pacific Alliance (PA) as a negotiating frame as regards the Belt and Road Initiative.Design/methodology/approachWe use a descriptive and analytical methodology to recapitulate and analyze the factual and normative background of Latin American economic integration during the last three decades, a process that so far has culminated in the Pacific Alliance (PA) and an emphasis on the Asia–Pacific region.FindingsWe contend that the PA has been a learning process in terms of economic cooperation. In addition, it is a Latin American economic integration project that emphasizes its focus on the Asia–Pacific region. Considering the nature of BRI projects, as well as Latin American states’ and China’s interests, we contend that it would be beneficial if Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, the members of the PA, and China channeled their BRI relations through the PA. Thus, the PA should be China’s negotiating partner.Originality/valueSo far, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Latin America has been built upon bilateral relations. This article explores the possibility of developing the BRI through the Pacific Alliance (PA).


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (7) ◽  
pp. 431
Author(s):  
Yuanhui Wang ◽  
Changqing Song ◽  
Gary Sigley ◽  
Xiaoqiang Chen ◽  
Lihua Yuan

The new wave of modern rail transit and the proposal of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) have complicated the business patterns of the rolling stock manufacturing industry (RSMI) and the export of rolling stock products, especially in the case of countries participating in the BRI. Based on the analysis of trade patterns—which focuses on the evolution of trade links, community structures, and intraregional export competitiveness—this study aims to explore the changes in the RSMI within the BRI region from 2003 to 2017. Sequential clustering was applied to the creation of a three-phase timeline. The network models of the cumulative trade of the rolling stock products and trades of two typical categories of products were constructed in each phase for the evolution analysis. Social network analysis methods, such as the analysis of network indices and community detection, were also applied. The results show that from 2003 to 2017, the connectivity of the rolling stock trade in this region significantly increased. China was the largest exporter, with increasing trade influence and technological strength. Ukraine and Russia were less competitive and highly mutually dependent. Czechia and Austria’s competitiveness remained prominent, but compared with China they lacked expansive vitality. South Korea was also an active and competitive country with strong technological prowess. These countries accounted for the majority of the exports, and were always at the center of their own separate communities, over which they maintained a sphere of influence. The grouping of countries far from any such spheres of influence changed frequently.


Te Kaharoa ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Teena Brown Pulu

The loss of small island states will affect us all.  Climate change refugees will become a very serious issue for all countries. Lord Ma’af On the afternoon of December 15th 2009, Tonga’s Minister for Environment and Climate Change, Lord Ma’afu, made a passionate plea to the international press assembled at the 15th United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen, Denmark.  He had a message he wanted to get out to the world.  Politically, Ma’afu awoke a subconscious fear developed countries stepped around not wanting to stir and be forced to deal with.  Snared in the small island uncertainty of rising sea levels was the inevitability climate change refugees might need another place to live (Bedford and Bedford, 2010; Fagan, 2013).  Where would they go?  Who would take them in?  What countries would help the Pacific Islands? Despite sociologists and political scientists documenting the failure of global governance to deliver a legally binding agreement for controlling climate change (Giddens, 2009; Held and Hervey, 2009; Fisher, 2004), alternatives put forward have not been taken up.  What other methods for governing over bad weather are there? (Goldin, 2013).  And how is village life in Tonga coping with climate blues?  


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