The Pacific Alliance and the Belt and Road Initiative

2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan-Felipe Toro-Fernandez ◽  
Jaime Tijmes-Ihl

PurposeThrough the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China has built bilateral relations with Latin American states. The purpose of this article is to explore the potential for using the Pacific Alliance (PA) as a negotiating frame as regards the Belt and Road Initiative.Design/methodology/approachWe use a descriptive and analytical methodology to recapitulate and analyze the factual and normative background of Latin American economic integration during the last three decades, a process that so far has culminated in the Pacific Alliance (PA) and an emphasis on the Asia–Pacific region.FindingsWe contend that the PA has been a learning process in terms of economic cooperation. In addition, it is a Latin American economic integration project that emphasizes its focus on the Asia–Pacific region. Considering the nature of BRI projects, as well as Latin American states’ and China’s interests, we contend that it would be beneficial if Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, the members of the PA, and China channeled their BRI relations through the PA. Thus, the PA should be China’s negotiating partner.Originality/valueSo far, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Latin America has been built upon bilateral relations. This article explores the possibility of developing the BRI through the Pacific Alliance (PA).

2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Enderwick

Purpose The continuation of China’s belt and road initiative (BRI) is assumed in most analyses. Yet, recent events have created significant reputational damage for China and Chinese businesses. With a trade war evolving into a hegemonic struggle, there are a number of potential developments that could derail the BRI. This paper aims to provide a contemporary review of the factors that could negatively impact its continuation, and what China has done to mitigate the risks. Design/methodology/approach A descriptive paper that groups possible disruptive factors into three groups: internal weaknesses of the BRI and its design; those related to China’s implementation of the BRI and external concerns and pressures. Findings China has actively reviewed and refined the BRI to reduce its perceived weaknesses and increase its attractiveness to potential participants, focussing on debt dependency, transparency and governance. However, this has occurred at the same time as growing concerns regarding China’s international assertiveness, the hegemonic challenge and recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic. Research limitations/implications These changes are occurring within an extremely dynamic environment and any analysis at one point in time is subject to considerable limitations. However, the paper brings together a range of disparate perspectives in a structured manner. Originality/value The classification of possible threats to the BRI is original and provides insights into the relative significance of the diverse challenges that China faces. The paper concludes that while China’s operational focus on the mechanics of the BRI process is necessary, it may not be sufficient to ensure its continuing development. The paper identifies the next step which is conceptualisation of these ideas and of the BRI. Some guidance as to how this might be done is provided.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (8) ◽  
pp. 2297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuanbo Li ◽  
Xufeng Zhu

During the initial implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (the 2030 Agenda), the Second Ministerial Meeting of the Forum of China and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) was held in Santiago, Chile, in January 2018. During this forum, China officially invited 33 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) to join the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This study links three important global governance issues: The 2030 Agenda, China-LAC relations and BRI. The authors attempt to analyze how China’s BRI in the LAC region can learn from the 2030 Agenda of the United Nations with 17 sustainable development goals (SDGs). This study shows that although China and the LAC region have strong political, economic and trade relationships, they must deepen dialogues and cooperation on sustainable development, especially the 2030 Agenda with 17 SDGs, which can be inspirations for China’s BRI in this region. BRI, which aligns with the 2030 Agenda and contributes to Chinese experience in development, can generate new opportunities for the LAC region to implement such an agenda. However, the challenges and risks of BRI cannot be ignored, and adequate answers and solutions should be provided to allow BRI to achieve a win–win outcome for China and LAC countries. The authors also examine the alignment of China’s policies towards LAC and BRI with the 2030 Agenda (17 SDGs) and the involvement of each SDG in these policies as the 2030 Agenda (17 SDGs) should be considered in policy-making for China’s BRI in the LAC region. Moreover, on the basis of previous analyses, suggestions for a successful BRI in the LAC region in six sectors are proposed in the context the 2030 Agenda.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shen Kunrong ◽  
Jin Gang

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to comprehensively examine the influence of formal and informal institutional differences on enterprise investment margin, mode and result. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on 2,440 micro samples of large-scale outbound investment from 609 Chinese enterprises from the years 2005 to 2016. Findings The study has found that formal institutional differences have little impact on investment scale, but significantly affect investment diversification. In order to avoid the management risks brought by formal institutional differences, enterprises tend to a full ownership structure. However, the choice between greenfield investment and cross-border mergers and acquisitions is not affected by formal institutional differences. In contrast, the impact of informal institutional differences is more extensive. Both formal and informal institutional differences significantly increase the probability of investment failure. Further research found that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) bridges the formal institutional differences. Originality/value The study concludes that developing the BRI, especially cultural exchanges with countries alongside the Belt and Road, will help enterprises to “go global” faster and better.


Significance Senior US officials see Communist-led China as the foremost threat to the United States. The Trump administration’s campaign against it spans the spectrum of government actions: criticism; tariffs; sanctions; regulatory crackdowns; military intimidation; support for Taiwan; and restrictions on imports, exports, investment and visas. Impacts Beijing will have little success in driving a wedge between Washington and its major Western allies. The West is unlikely to produce a convincing alternative to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Negative public views of China incentivise China-bashing by politicians, which in turn feeds negative public opinion in a downward spiral. Beijing will persist in its efforts to encourage a more positive view of China among Western publics.


Subject Prospects for the Belt and Road Initiative in 2019-23. Significance Five years on, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has become a multi-purpose foreign policy brand that encompasses far more than was initially envisaged. It has evolved from an initiative focused on Central Asian infrastructure to one with industrial, technological, environmental and legal components, and which extends geographically as far as the Arctic and into outer space.


Subject China's involvement in the Mekong region. Significance China’s Lancang-Mekong Cooperation initiative involves dam and development projects, special economic zones and trade. It is integrating the region into the Belt and Road Initiative and has largely eclipsed the existing regional institution established by the downstream Mekong states. Impacts China's Mekong policies may foreshadow its approach to other regions and issues as it becomes more active in world affairs. Beijing will try to reduce the risk of a backlash by funding poverty-alleviation, development and industrial projects in the region. China's activities in the South China Sea will increase other governments' suspicion regarding Chinese activities on the Mekong.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-47
Author(s):  
Xuan Wu ◽  
Wing Kit Chan

Purpose Before the turn of the century, taking overseas students was more about a diplomatic issue dominated by the state in China, for which reason this section is relatively independent within the higher education system. However, evidence from a series of new policy documents and their impacts suggests that international student mobility (ISM) has been intensively shaped by the central government in the desire to promote its national strategy, namely the belt and road initiative. ISM policy, although with a significant proportion marketized, was introduced for a clear purpose of cultural diplomacy. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach Looking beyond the debate of market-driven vs state-dominated, this paper attempts to provide a thorough understanding of this changing pattern based on examination of key changes of policy statements along with official data analysis. Findings This paper argues that the new pattern must be understood against a context of a hierarchy of higher education institutes in contemporary China: a sector led by a small number of prestigious universities generously funded by the central government with a large number of ordinary universities underfunded and eager to generate income. Prestigious institutes enroll international students to satisfy performance indicators listed by policies like “Double First-rate”; other universities, benefiting from the reputation and momentum generated by the top ones, take self-funded students for profit. Originality/value By making good use of both performance indicators and market motives, the country managed to move a state-dominated ISM policy in the twentieth century into the existing state-steering marketization model and made China a major destination for overseas study.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 609-623
Author(s):  
Jing Shuai ◽  
Fubin Huang ◽  
Zhihui Leng ◽  
Xin Cheng

Purpose This paper aims to estimate the international competitiveness of China’s biomass energy products during 2007-2016 in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative. Design/methodology/approach In this paper, the authors used the constant market share model and the revealed comparative advantage index to analyze the evolution trend of China’s biomass products’ international competitiveness during the past decade from 2007 to 2016 based on the market structure of the Belt and Road Initiative. Findings The results show that: China’s major biomass energy products have no comparative advantages in the world market, nevertheless, their international competitiveness is on the rise; China’s biomass energy products have been agglomerated to the regional markets where the market demand growth is fast in the Belt and Road countries; and the unreasonable structure is an important factor influencing the international competitiveness of China’s biomass exports. Originality/value The authors analyzed the international competitiveness of China’s biomass energy products based on the “Belt and Road Initiative” with all the trading items, in an effort to propose policy implications for enhancing the comparative advantages of China’s biomass products in the international market especially in the Belt and Road regions.


Significance The memorandum also references cooperation in digital connectivity and supply chain resilience in the Indo-Pacific, Middle East, Africa, the Western Hemisphere and Central and Eastern Europe. This is an implicit challenge to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Impacts Washington will take a more confrontational approach to the BRI, and Tokyo a more conciliatory one. Australia will deepen its involvement in joint projects with Japan and the United States, particularly in the South Pacific. Japan has been skilful in forming bilateral infrastructure partnerships with Quad countries, but is wary of a formal Quad partnership. To lower the temperature, Japan also partners with China on some joint projects, such as a railway in Thailand. US-Japan cooperation on overseas energy projects aims to curb their rivalry in this sector and improve competitiveness against China.


Significance The Middle East has long been polarised between US allies and enemies, while Beijing has historically retained a comparatively smaller footprint and rejected taking sides in regional political and security disputes. However, its economic interests are increasing. Impacts The United States will maintain a comparative advantage from its long history of political, military and economic cooperation in the region. Beijing could leverage its control over large industrial conglomerates in key sectors such as energy, infrastructure and biotechnology. The Belt and Road Initiative will be an attractive project for all Middle Eastern countries, maximising their geographical advantages.


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