scholarly journals The Reasons of the Confrontation Between Russia and the Ukraine

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-53
Author(s):  
В. A. Shmelev

The article examines the historical prerequisites for the formation of the ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, analyzes its main provisions, and its impact on the foreign and domestic policy of the independent Ukrainian state. The Ukrainian national idea was formed in the late 19th first half of the 20th century. It was based on three fundamental provisions: the Russian state is the enemy of Ukrainian independence and therefore in the interests of Ukraine its weakening, and even better disintegration; the Russian population in Ukraine is a very serious obstacle to the formation of an independent Ukrainian state, and therefore it should be assimilated; the independence of the Ukrainian state can be guaranteed only by close cooperation with European countries, which will help it in defending its independence in the confrontation with “Asian” Russia, as Ukraine is a European country, part of Europe. On the basis of these ideological provisions it was supposed to form a Ukrainian identity. As the article emphasizes, the national Ukrainian idea in this form contains a very large charge of conflict with Russia, inevitably leads to a clash of their geopolitical interests. The proclamation of Ukraine’s independence in 1991 meant the emergence of a second Russian state, whose population had to be transformed into a Ukrainian nation. The ruling political elite of the country with the support of the Ukrainian intelligentsia as the ideological basis for the construction of the Ukrainian nation state and the Ukrainian nation adopted the basic tenets of the Ukrainian national idea, which was formed in the first half of the 20th century and put them at the basis of its foreign and domestic policy. All Ukrainian Presidents, though with varying degrees of determination and consistency, implemented them. Kiev’s policy of strengthening the country’s independence implied independence from Russia, which is seen as the main threat to the national security of the young Ukrainian state. The article states that the presidential elections of 2019 and the defeat of P. Poroshenko showed that the majority of Ukrainian society does not accept such an identity. They need an identity on other principles, which in Ukraine have not yet developed and are not visible. So far, there are no political forces, political party, that could formulate them and put them in the basis of statehood and nation-building. The current President V. Zelensky in his policy is guided by old ideas and visions. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the formation of the New Independent States, Russia did not immediately realize the scale of the challenges and threats to the country’s security from Ukraine. Sobering occurred under the influence of the “Orange Revolution”, when Kiev abandoned the policy of multivectors and began to pursue a pronounced pro-Western policy. At the same time, Moscow begins to realize that it will not be able to enter the community of democratic states on its own terms, and begins to position itself as an independent center of power, opposing the West. Strengthening its positions in this confrontation, it connects with the consolidation of the post-Soviet states around itself within the framework of integration projects, first EvrAzES, and then the EAEU. Moscow linked their successful implementation with Ukraine’s participation in their implementation, because it believed that without it these projects would not be effective. However, Kiev did not want to support these plans, focusing “on entering Europe”. According to the author, from that moment the foreign policy strategies of both countries began to differ in principle and the two countries from strategic partners turned into geopolitical rivals. The West supported Kiev in its pro-Western foreign policy, considering it as an element of deterrence of Russia’s great-power ambitions. Both Moscow and the West tried to drag Kiev to their side. The coup d’etat carried out by nationalist forces in Kiev in February 2014 seemed to mean the West’s victory in this peculiar tug-of-war. In response, Moscow annexed Crimea and supported the struggle of the self-proclaimed DPR and LPR against the Kiev government. As a result, Ukraine has embarked on a tough confrontation with Russia, seeing it as an aggressor and an enemy. The author of the article comes to the conclusion, that overcoming the confrontation between them will take a lot of time and effort and for the foreseeable historical perspective the relations between them will be based on the principles of the zero-sum game. In these circumstances, there is no need to talk about partnership and cooperation, as it is a question of relations between two hostile States. The most that can be expected is to maintain a “cold peace” between them. But such a state can be achieved only if relations between Russia and the West are normalized, and a new Cold War is eliminated.

Author(s):  
Damion L. Thomas

This chapter highlights the formalization of U.S. Cold War sport foreign policy. As the Soviet Union reentered the Olympic movement in 1952, sport took on heightened meaning, and became a proxy for combat in the atomic age. Thus, this chapter highlights how the two superpowers fought for athletic supremacy, as well as how the United States developed a program of international athletic goodwill tours as a means to counteract the Soviet Union's successful implementation of its own athletic foreign policy program. Sports became a crucial Cold War weapon that deployed the notions of strength and cultural, political, and economic superiority over the Soviet Union.


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 37-45
Author(s):  
Vasiliy A.  Shchipkov

The problem of aggressive secularism in the form of fight against religion was acute throughout the 20th century, and not only in the Soviet Union, but also in capitalist countries, which drew the attention of A. Solzhenitsyn in the 1980s. This problem remains relevant also today, despite the fact that the USSR collapsed and the atheism ceased to be an open threat to religious consciousness. It is noted in the article that the theory of secularization is being revised by religious scholars and sociologists, while new models for the study of the secularity are proposed. The author of the article develops and comments on one of such models connecting the emergence of secularism with the late medieval scholasticism and the philosophy of nominalism.


Book Reviews: The Pure Theory of Politics, The Nature and Limits of Political Science, Social Science and Political Theory, in Defence of Politics, The Theory of Political Coalitions, The British Political Elite, Amateurs and Professionals in British Politics, 1918–59, London Government and the Welfare Services, Local Government Today … and Tomorrow, Public Expenditure: Appraisal and Control, The Lessons of Public Enterprise, Nationalization: A Book of Readings, Income Distribution and Social Change, The Northern Ireland Problem: A Study in Group Relations, Report of the Joint Working Party on the Economy of Northern Ireland, Economic Planning in France, The French Army: A Military-Political History, The Trial of Charles De Gaulle, Torture: Cancer of Democracy, Communism and the French Left, Algeria and France: From Colonialism to Cooperation, Der Fascismus in Seiner Epoche, The Soviet Union and the German Question, September 1958–June 1961, Indivisible Germany: Illusion or Reality?, Government and Politics of Contemporary Berlin, The Struggle for Germany, 1914–1945, Reunification and West German-Soviet Relations: The Role of the Reunification Issue in the Foreign Policy of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949–1957 with Special Attention to Policy toward the Soviet Union, City on Leave: A History of Berlin, 1945–1962, Berlin: Success of a Mission?, Federalism, Bureaucracy, and Party Politics in Western Germany: The Role of the Bundesrat, The Sickle under the Hammer: The Russian Socialist Revolutionaries in the Early Months of Soviet Rule, Political Ideology, Small Town in Mass Society, Government of the Atom: The Integration of Powers, Science and Politics, The Mind of Africa, The Challenge of Africa, Arab Nationalism: An Anthology, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798–1939, Village Government in India, Politics in Southern Asia, Modern Government, The Making of Foreign Policy: An Analysis of Decision-Making, The Politics of Italian Foreign Policy, Politics in the Twentieth Century, Vol. I: The Decline of Democratic Politics, Vol. II: The Importance of American Foreign Policy, Vol. III: The Restoration of American Politics, Power and the Pursuit of Peace, Unarmed Victory, Great Britain or Little England, The General Says No, The United Nations, The United Nations Reconsidered, World Economic Agencies, Communist Economy under Change, The Communist Foreign Trade System, Trade Blocs and Common Markets, The Economics of Middle Eastern Oil, Oil Companies and Governments

1964 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-140
Author(s):  
George E. Gordon Catlin ◽  
M. C. Albrow ◽  
Graham Wootton ◽  
W. J. M. Mackenzie ◽  
J. Blondel ◽  
...  

1995 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Percival

‘King takes Queen’. This is how John Sweeney summed up his view of the state visit by Romanian President Nicolae Ceausescu to Britain in June 1978, an event which marked the high point of what theTimesreferred to as ‘Britain's political romance with Romania’ in the 1970s. Sweeney's book, in common with other post-revolutionary writing on Romania, roundly condemns Britain's foreign policy-makers for supporting a repressive regime.1However, in the 1970s the situation was not viewed in such clear-cut terms. In the early part of the decade, books by British writers praised Ceausescu, and Romania often received favourable coverage in the British press.2It was almost universally seen as a country which, although internally rigidly communist, pursued an independent foreign policy and was consequently a thorn in the flesh of the Soviet Union. It was keen to industrialise and to expand its economic ties with the West in order to do so. Apologists for British policy would argue that it was therefore both politically and economically beneficial to support Ceausescu. Politically it would weaken Moscow's control over the Eastern Bloc, and economically it would benefit British industry. Indeed, the two were related – the more economic ties Ceausescu had with the West, the stronger his political independence from Moscow would become.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Zapariy

Referring to the preparation of Soviet diplomacy for the 3rd session of the UN General Assembly, this article examines the process behind the development of the political line of the Soviet delegation, as well as the principles of covering the “UN” theme by the press, informing the population and shaping public opinion on major international problems. On the basis of specific material, the author demonstrates the principles of Soviet diplomats’ work on the preparation of analytical materials, the development of recommendations, and the implementation of propaganda measures at the UN in response to the changing international situation. Archival materials allow us to understand the attitude of the Soviet political elite to multilateral diplomacy and reconstruct the USSR’s assessment of the effectiveness of the organisation’s activities both in the field of maintaining international security and in the non-political sphere. Referring to the analysis of materials from the Russian Foreign Policy Archive (AVP RF) and the Russian State Social and Political Archive (RGASPI), the author reconstructs the rationale behind the propaganda campaign in the Soviet press against Trygve Lie, the first UN Secretary-General, in connection with the publication of the annual report on the organisation’s work between 1947 and 1948. Coordinated criticism of the world’s highest-ranking diplomat became an integral part of the political game in connection with the settlement of the Berlin crisis, as well as an important element in the strategy of a massive propaganda offensive against the United States, aimed at portraying the Truman administration as the culprit of the imminent split in Europe and Germany.


2019 ◽  
pp. 139-150
Author(s):  
Kristina Vorontsova

Poland as a Great Borderland in a Post-Soviet World: Poetical Point of ViewThis paper seeks to examine the characteristics of the literary space of Poland, which occupied a middle position between the West and the USSR, with particular attention to the mechanisms of representation of Poland as a great borderland in light of the catastrophes of the 20th century. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, narratives have changed but the main concept of “Poland as a Great Borderland” still remains. While absorbing traditional elements, poetry in the post Soviet world uses new tools like “camp” to depict the liminality and carnival nature of the country. Alexander Anashevich’s poems are analysed as a vivid example of contemporary perceptions of this centuries-long intercultural practice. Польша как «большая граница» в постсоветском мире: поэтический взглядВ данной статье анализируются устойчивые характеристики художественного пространства Польши, которая занимала позицию медиатора между Западом и СССР. Особое внимание уделяется механизмам репрезентации Польши как пограничной территории в свете катастроф ХХ века. С распадом Советского Союза изменились нарративы, однако главный концепт «Польша как Большая граница» всё ещё остаётся неизменным. Ориентируясь на традиционные элементы, поэзия в постсоветском мире использует новые инструменты, такие как Камп, чтобы адекватно отражать лиминальную и карнавальную природу страны. Стихи Александра Анашевича в данном контексте анализируются как яркий пример современного понимания многовековых межкультурных практик. Polska jako „Wielkie Pogranicze” w przestrzeni postradzieckiej. Poetycki punkt widzenia.Artykuł ma na celu zbadanie cech przestrzeni kulturowej Polski, która swego czasu odbierana była jako ta, zajmująca pozycję mediatora pomiędzy Zachodem a ZSRR. W artykule przede wszystkim kładzie się nacisk na zbadanie mechanizmów reprezentacji Polski jako „Wielkiego Pogranicza” w świetle katastrof XX wieku. Od czasu rozpadu Związku Radzieckiego narracje uległy zmianie, ale koncepcja „Polski jako Wielkiego Pogranicza” nadal pozostaje aktualna. Choć poezja w przestrzeni postradzieckiej wciąż zwrócona jest przede wszystkim w stronę tradycyjnych dla niej form, to coraz częściej sięga ona po nowe estetyczne rozwiązania, takie jak np. Kamp, aby wskazać na liminalny i karnawałowy charakter polskiej przestrzeni kulturowej. Wiersze Aleksandra Anaszkiewicza są w artykule analizowane jako żywy przykład współczesnej percepcji tych wielowiekowych interkulturowych praktyk.


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