scholarly journals Poland as a Great Borderland in a Post-Soviet World: Poetical Point of View

2019 ◽  
pp. 139-150
Author(s):  
Kristina Vorontsova
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Main Concept ◽  
The West ◽  
Middle Position ◽  
Literary Space ◽  
The Soviet Union

Poland as a Great Borderland in a Post-Soviet World: Poetical Point of ViewThis paper seeks to examine the characteristics of the literary space of Poland, which occupied a middle position between the West and the USSR, with particular attention to the mechanisms of representation of Poland as a great borderland in light of the catastrophes of the 20th century. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, narratives have changed but the main concept of “Poland as a Great Borderland” still remains. While absorbing traditional elements, poetry in the post Soviet world uses new tools like “camp” to depict the liminality and carnival nature of the country. Alexander Anashevich’s poems are analysed as a vivid example of contemporary perceptions of this centuries-long intercultural practice. Польша как «большая граница» в постсоветском мире: поэтический взглядВ данной статье анализируются устойчивые характеристики художественного пространства Польши, которая занимала позицию медиатора между Западом и СССР. Особое внимание уделяется механизмам репрезентации Польши как пограничной территории в свете катастроф ХХ века. С распадом Советского Союза изменились нарративы, однако главный концепт «Польша как Большая граница» всё ещё остаётся неизменным. Ориентируясь на традиционные элементы, поэзия в постсоветском мире использует новые инструменты, такие как Камп, чтобы адекватно отражать лиминальную и карнавальную природу страны. Стихи Александра Анашевича в данном контексте анализируются как яркий пример современного понимания многовековых межкультурных практик. Polska jako „Wielkie Pogranicze” w przestrzeni postradzieckiej. Poetycki punkt widzenia.Artykuł ma na celu zbadanie cech przestrzeni kulturowej Polski, która swego czasu odbierana była jako ta, zajmująca pozycję mediatora pomiędzy Zachodem a ZSRR. W artykule przede wszystkim kładzie się nacisk na zbadanie mechanizmów reprezentacji Polski jako „Wielkiego Pogranicza” w świetle katastrof XX wieku. Od czasu rozpadu Związku Radzieckiego narracje uległy zmianie, ale koncepcja „Polski jako Wielkiego Pogranicza” nadal pozostaje aktualna. Choć poezja w przestrzeni postradzieckiej wciąż zwrócona jest przede wszystkim w stronę tradycyjnych dla niej form, to coraz częściej sięga ona po nowe estetyczne rozwiązania, takie jak np. Kamp, aby wskazać na liminalny i karnawałowy charakter polskiej przestrzeni kulturowej. Wiersze Aleksandra Anaszkiewicza są w artykule analizowane jako żywy przykład współczesnej percepcji tych wielowiekowych interkulturowych praktyk.

scholarly journals Globalisasi dan Demokrasi di Rusia: Suatu Tantangan dan Peluang

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Diah Ayu Permatasari
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Historical Event ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Western Democracy ◽  
Strong Current ◽  
The World ◽  
Historical Pattern

AbstractGlobalisation has brought many changes in the world, and has huge implication towards the economy, politics, and socio-culture.  The break up of the Soviet Union in 1991 is one of the historical event cause by the globalisation and transformed to what it is Russia today.  Russia tried to adapt towards globalisation by following it national historical pattern, and not following the pattern that has been used by the Western countries.  For the West, transition democracy process in Russia is incomplete, but as for the Russian point of view, it is a democracy with distinction pattern or “the Russian way” that is different to what is practiced by the West.  For that reason, this essay tried to look at the Russian political and economic policy to handle the strong current of globalisation and democracy.Keywords: Rusia, Globalisation, Democracy and Cold War AbstrakGlobalisasi telah membawa perubahan bagi dunia, yang berimplikasi pada tatanan ekonomi, politik, social dan budaya. Salah satu dampak dari globalisasi adalah pecahnya Uni Soviet pada tahun 1991 yang kemudian bertransformasi menjadi Rusia. Rusia melakukan adaptasi terhadap globalisasi, yaitu dengan mengikuti pola historis nasionalnya, dan tidak mengikuti pola yang telah dilakukan oleh dunia Barat. Bagi Barat, proses transisi demokrasi Rusia merupakan incomplete transformation, sementara dari sudut pandang Rusia, proses tersebut bukan merupakan bentuk demokrasi yang belum lengkap, melainkan demokrasi dengan corak tersendiri yang tidak bias disamakan dengan western democracy. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini berupaya melihat kebijakan ekonomi politik Rusia dalam menghadapi arus demokrasi dan globalisasi.Kata kunci: Rusia, globalisasi, demokrasi dan perang dingin

Nominalistic Preconditions of Secularism and Its Actual Significance for Russia and the West

2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 37-45
Author(s):  
Vasiliy A.  Shchipkov
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
The West ◽  
Late Medieval ◽  
Religious Consciousness ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
New Models

The problem of aggressive secularism in the form of fight against religion was acute throughout the 20th century, and not only in the Soviet Union, but also in capitalist countries, which drew the attention of A. Solzhenitsyn in the 1980s. This problem remains relevant also today, despite the fact that the USSR collapsed and the atheism ceased to be an open threat to religious consciousness. It is noted in the article that the theory of secularization is being revised by religious scholars and sociologists, while new models for the study of the secularity are proposed. The author of the article develops and comments on one of such models connecting the emergence of secularism with the late medieval scholasticism and the philosophy of nominalism.

scholarly journals The Reasons of the Confrontation Between Russia and the Ukraine

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-53
Author(s):  
В. A. Shmelev
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Successful Implementation ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Zero Sum

The article examines the historical prerequisites for the formation of the ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, analyzes its main provisions, and its impact on the foreign and domestic policy of the independent Ukrainian state. The Ukrainian national idea was formed in the late 19th first half of the 20th century. It was based on three fundamental provisions: the Russian state is the enemy of Ukrainian independence and therefore in the interests of Ukraine its weakening, and even better disintegration; the Russian population in Ukraine is a very serious obstacle to the formation of an independent Ukrainian state, and therefore it should be assimilated; the independence of the Ukrainian state can be guaranteed only by close cooperation with European countries, which will help it in defending its independence in the confrontation with “Asian” Russia, as Ukraine is a European country, part of Europe. On the basis of these ideological provisions it was supposed to form a Ukrainian identity. As the article emphasizes, the national Ukrainian idea in this form contains a very large charge of conflict with Russia, inevitably leads to a clash of their geopolitical interests. The proclamation of Ukraine’s independence in 1991 meant the emergence of a second Russian state, whose population had to be transformed into a Ukrainian nation. The ruling political elite of the country with the support of the Ukrainian intelligentsia as the ideological basis for the construction of the Ukrainian nation state and the Ukrainian nation adopted the basic tenets of the Ukrainian national idea, which was formed in the first half of the 20th century and put them at the basis of its foreign and domestic policy. All Ukrainian Presidents, though with varying degrees of determination and consistency, implemented them. Kiev’s policy of strengthening the country’s independence implied independence from Russia, which is seen as the main threat to the national security of the young Ukrainian state. The article states that the presidential elections of 2019 and the defeat of P. Poroshenko showed that the majority of Ukrainian society does not accept such an identity. They need an identity on other principles, which in Ukraine have not yet developed and are not visible. So far, there are no political forces, political party, that could formulate them and put them in the basis of statehood and nation-building. The current President V. Zelensky in his policy is guided by old ideas and visions. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the formation of the New Independent States, Russia did not immediately realize the scale of the challenges and threats to the country’s security from Ukraine. Sobering occurred under the influence of the “Orange Revolution”, when Kiev abandoned the policy of multivectors and began to pursue a pronounced pro-Western policy. At the same time, Moscow begins to realize that it will not be able to enter the community of democratic states on its own terms, and begins to position itself as an independent center of power, opposing the West. Strengthening its positions in this confrontation, it connects with the consolidation of the post-Soviet states around itself within the framework of integration projects, first EvrAzES, and then the EAEU. Moscow linked their successful implementation with Ukraine’s participation in their implementation, because it believed that without it these projects would not be effective. However, Kiev did not want to support these plans, focusing “on entering Europe”. According to the author, from that moment the foreign policy strategies of both countries began to differ in principle and the two countries from strategic partners turned into geopolitical rivals. The West supported Kiev in its pro-Western foreign policy, considering it as an element of deterrence of Russia’s great-power ambitions. Both Moscow and the West tried to drag Kiev to their side. The coup d’etat carried out by nationalist forces in Kiev in February 2014 seemed to mean the West’s victory in this peculiar tug-of-war. In response, Moscow annexed Crimea and supported the struggle of the self-proclaimed DPR and LPR against the Kiev government. As a result, Ukraine has embarked on a tough confrontation with Russia, seeing it as an aggressor and an enemy. The author of the article comes to the conclusion, that overcoming the confrontation between them will take a lot of time and effort and for the foreseeable historical perspective the relations between them will be based on the principles of the zero-sum game. In these circumstances, there is no need to talk about partnership and cooperation, as it is a question of relations between two hostile States. The most that can be expected is to maintain a “cold peace” between them. But such a state can be achieved only if relations between Russia and the West are normalized, and a new Cold War is eliminated.

scholarly journals Administrative Justice in the Soviet Period (Analysis of the Doctrine, Legislation and Procedure of the First Half of the 20th Century)

Lex Russica ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 67-81
Author(s):  
E. B. Ablaeva ◽  
A. R. Ensebayeva ◽  
M. A. Utanov
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Public Relations ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Subject Matter ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Soviet Power ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Administrative Justice

Socio-political significance and legal status of the institute of administrative justice are widely understood in the context of the thorough analysis of Soviet theory, legislation and practice of the first half of the last century. The choice of the subject matter of the study is preconditioned by the universally recognized periodization, according to which administrative justice in the Soviet period reached the highest level of development in the first half of the 20th century after the foundations of civil proceedings of the Union of the SSR and the Soviet Union Republics were approved in 1961. From this point of view, it is very interesting and useful to study the objective circumstances that took place in the first half of the last century. The study covers the beginning of the Soviet path of development and improvement of the institute of administrative justice, the lower border of which constitutes the final moment of the establishment of Soviet power, and the upper border covers the post-war period of the Soviet Union. The grounds, conditions and procedure of settlement of complaints against actions of Soviet institutions and officials are identified by various bodies. The selected subject matter was actualized during the development and adoption of the first Administrative Procedural Code of the Republic of Kazakhstan, as well as in the course of institutional reform aimed at ensuring the rule of law, including in the areas of public administration and local government.The purpose of this paper is to study the issues of regulation of public relations arising between the Soviet State represented by public authorities, their officials, state officials, on the one hand, and Soviet citizens and their associations, on the other. To achieve this goal, the following tasks are set: studying the normative legal acts of the Soviet power issued by the central election commissions, All-Russian congresses of councils, people's commissariats, workers'-peasants' inspectorates, councils of workers'-and-peasants' defenses and many other Soviet institutions regulating administrative justice in the first half of the 20th century; determination of grounds, conditions and procedure for appealing or challenging the legality of acts, decisions, actions or omissions to act on behalf of Soviet institutions and officials; analysis of the legal thought of the first half of the 20th century.

The Fate of the Russian inTelligentsia in the XX Century. Re-Reading Milestones

2021 ◽  
pp. 113-127
Author(s):  
An Qinyan ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Practice ◽  
Great Influence ◽  
Real Life ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Art ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Russian Intelligentsia

The article provides an analysis of historical events in Russia in the 20th century from the point of view of the influence of the Russian intelligentsia on them, its the­oretical and practical activities. The starting point for the author is the collection Milestones (1909) and the criticism of the intelligentsia, which is the main meaning of the articles in this collection. The author shows that, despite the great influence of the intellectuals on the fate of Russia, they was not able to fully realize its ideals, and the fate of many of them was tragic. Their ideals were in contradiction with the real life of Russia, and later of the Soviet Union, they did not take into account the peculiarities of the development of the Russian and then the Soviet state and society. Their attempts to go against social practice inevitably ended in failure, while the de­sire to act in accordance with social practice often led to results that were contrary to their ideals. According to the author, the fate of the Russian intelligentsia in the 20th century confirmed the correctness of the materialist understanding of history, according to which, in the absence of ideals, movement forward has neither a driv­ing force nor a direction, and without reliance on practice, all ideals turn into utopia. Therefore, the correct solution to the problem of connecting excellent ideals and ob­jective practice is a matter of high political art. In the process of modernizing a backward state, the intelligentsia has a special mission.

lmost all estimates of the figure of Alexander Solzhenitsyn are not related to literary criticism. Most studies evaluate his role, intentions and results. His figure is assessed in the context of the fate of the country, public perception and attitude to the country, which is Motherland for some, and mental and political enemy for the others. And for this purpose it is not even important who is right from the historical and political point of view. The point is who and how perceived the USSR and the entire Soviet project. Solzhenitsyn is seen as the enemy of the USSR and the Soviet project by those who popularized and helped him, and also according to his self-evaluation. Therefore, for those who identify themselves with the Soviet Union, its heritage and the entire Soviet project Solzhenitsyn represents the enemy and bearer of evil. For those who are hostile to the Soviet Union and the Soviet project, Solzhenitsyn is an ally in their struggle and bearer of good. Which of these parties is right is the issue of history and morality. 66% of Russian citizens support the first point of view, and the second point of view is supported by 25% of the population. Nowadays 88 % of Russian citizens know who Solzhenitsyn was. 31% consider him to be moral authority for them. 8% of the people believe that Solzhenitsyn presented true facts in his books.

2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 260-275
Author(s):  
Victor V.  Aksyuchits
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Literary Criticism ◽  
Public Perception ◽  
Moral Authority ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Self Evaluation ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The People ◽  
Russian Intelligentsia

In the article the author studies the formation process of Russian intelligentsia analyzing its «birth marks», such as nihilism, estrangement from native soil, West orientation, infatuation with radical political ideas, Russophobia. The author examines the causes of political radicalization of Russian intelligentsia that grew swiftly at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries and played an important role in the Russian revolution of 1917.

Century of Ukraine's diplomatic service

2017 ◽  
pp. 77-94
Author(s):  
Yuriy Makar
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
State Committee ◽  
The West ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
National University ◽  
Central Council ◽  
History Of ◽  
Late Twentieth

On December 22, 2017 the Ukrainian Diplomatic Service marked the 100thanniversary of its establishment and development. In dedication to such a momentous event, the Department of International Relations of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University has published a book of IR Dept’s ardent activity since its establishment. It includes information both in Ukrainian and English on the backbone of the collective and their versatile activities, achievements and prospects for the future. The author delves into retracing the course of the history of Ukrainian Diplomacy formation and development. The author highlights the roots of its formation, reconsidering a long way of its development that coincided with the formation of basic elements of Ukrainian statehood that came into existence as a result of the war of national liberation – the Ukrainian Central Rada (the Central Council of Ukraine). Later, the Ukrainian or so-called State the Hetmanate was under study. The Directorat (Directory) of Ukraine, being a provisional collegiate revolutionary state committee of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, was given a thorough study. Of particular interest for the research are diplomatic activities of the West Ukrainian People`s Republic. Noteworthy, the author emphasizes on the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic’s foreign policy, forced by the Bolshevist Russia. A further important implication is both the challenges of the Ukrainian statehood establishing and Ukraine’s functioning as a state, first and foremost, stemmed from the immaturity and conscience-unawareness of the Ukrainian society, that, ultimately, has led to the fact, that throughout the twentieth century Ukraine as a statehood, being incorporated into the Soviet Union, could hardly be recognized as a sovereign state. Our research suggests that since the beginning of the Ukrainian Diplomacy establishment and its further evolution, it used to be unprecedentedly fabricated and forged. On a wider level, the research is devoted to centennial fight of Ukraine against Russian violence and aggression since the WWI, when in 1917 the Russian Bolsheviks, headed by Lenin, started real Russian war against Ukraine. Apropos, in the about-a-year-negotiation run, Ukraine, eventually, failed to become sovereign. Remarkably, Ukraine finally gained its independence just in late twentieth century. Nowadays, Russia still regards Ukraine as a part of its own strategic orbit,waging out a carrot-and-stick battle. Keywords: The Ukrainian People’s Republic, the State of Ukraine, the Hetmanate, the Direcorat (Directory) of Ukraine, the West Ukrainian People`s Republic, the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, Ukraine, the Bolshevist Russia, the Russian Federation, Ukrainian diplomacy

Implications

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Edele
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Soviet Regime ◽  
World War ◽  
Ongoing Debate ◽  
Middle Position ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
War Effort ◽  
Second World

This chapter turns to the present and explains the implications of the current study for the ongoing debate about the Soviet Union in the Second World War and in particular about the role of loyalty and disloyalty in the Soviet war effort. It argues that this study strengthens those who argue for a middle position: the majority of Soviet citizens were neither unquestioningly loyal to the Stalinist regime nor convinced resisters. The majority, instead, saw their interests as distinct from both the German and the Soviet regime. Nevertheless, ideology remains important if we want to understand why in the Soviet Union more resisted or collaborated than elsewhere in Europe and Asia.

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