scholarly journals Schola Aquitanica (1583): Latin grammar and Renaissance tradition

2021 ◽  
pp. 452-463
Author(s):  
Melyssa Cardozo Silva dos Santos

The main objective of this article is to make a discussion on the category of analysis of linguistic thought (SWIGGERS, 2013), having as an object of studies the period of Portuguese Renaissance humanism. To develop this investigation, my theoretical and methodological model is derived from the discipline of Historiography of Linguistics (KOERNER, 1996, BATISTA, 2019). Thus, my specific objective is to analyze the current of thought of Portuguese Renaissance humanism from a specific textual source, the document known as Schola Aquitanica, published in 1583. This document is a school regiment with the didactic orientation of classes and methods to teach humanities, used at the Collège de Guyenne in the 16th century. His editio princeps is entitled Schola Aquitanica (SANTOS, 2021), having as author Élie Vinet (1509-1587), a French humanist. However, in the 16th century edition, there is a more specific internal title: Docendi Ratio in Ludo Burdigalensi (the order of studies at the College of Bordeaux), which is also known in French as Le Program d’Études du Collège de Guyenne (the program of studies at the College of Guyenne).

Author(s):  
Ivan Boserup ◽  
Thomas Riis

In the first part of this joint paper on book divisions and their ideologies in the Gesta Danorum of Saxo Grammaticus (ca. 1200), Ivan Boserup points out that the edition of Saxo published by Karsten Friis-Jensen in 2005 is the first since the discovery of the Angers fragment in 1879, which is not in any way dominated by the endeavor to use the Angers fragment as a stepping stone for radical textual criticism of the Paris 1514 edition, i.e. the Editio princeps which is our main textual source to Saxo’s work. In contrast to the 1931 edition of Jørgen Olrik and Hans Ræder, and to scholars that have postulated that the Paris edition of 1514 was more or less rewritten throughout by a medieval or renaissance editor, Friis-Jensen has defended the text of the Paris edition by showing that it coincides basically with all medieval fragments (except the Angers fragment) and with medieval quotations and paraphrases. Although agreeing with Friis-Jensen’s approach, Boserup argues that Friis-Jensen has been misled to believe that the Compendium Saxonis stems from this ‘medieval Saxo-vulgate’ rather than from the manuscript of which the Angers fragment is a part, as argued in 1920 by Emil Rathsack.According to Boserup, the recognition of the Paris 1514 edition as Saxo’s last and final version of his work invites to a reconsideration of the alternative book division found in the Compendium Saxonis and, supposedly, in its archetype, the ‘Angers manuscript’.In the second part of the paper, Thomas Riis re-visits the book divisions which he previously treated in his dissertation in 1977. Combining a close textual analysis with evidence from seals, coins, imagery, and the arengae of charters, Riis suggests that the ‘original’ book division found in the Compendium Saxonis manuscripts reflects an “aggressive” royal ideology orchestrated by archbishop Absalon in the second half of the twelfth century. In contrast, the book division of the ‘medieval Saxo-vulgate’ represented mainly by the Paris 1514 edition can be interpreted as the result of the impact on Saxo of the ecclesiastically focused ideology of Absalon’s successor as Archbishop of Lund, the renowned theologian Anders Sunesen (Andreas Sunonis).


Author(s):  
J. Trapman

AbstractThe identity of Joannes Sartorius has long been a subject of controversy. As the old bio-bibliographies disagree about the year of his death (the dates range from 1557 to 1575), Henry de Vocht suggested that there might have been two Sartorii: 1. a humanist ludimagister (died 1557), the author of books on Latin grammar and style, the translator of Erasmus' Adagia into Dutch; 2. a protestant zealot (died after 1557), who in writing his heretical works may even have hidden behind the name of the respectable ludimagister. This assumption, however, is connected with De Vocht's anti-protestant bias, which kept him from accepting that humanist and protestant tendencies could coexist in one person (as in e.g. Sartorius' friend Gnapheus, author of the Acolastus). Nevertheless, the outline of the life and works of Sartorius, the heretical ludimagister, could not have been written without De Vocht's numerous and thorough publications. Sartorius worked as a teacher of Latin in Amsterdam and Noordwijk. He is certain to have stayed in Emden and is said to have lived in Basle. His religious convictions got him into trouble several times. Unfortunately, the precise course of Sartorius' life is not yet clear and the greater part of his writings seems to have been lost. The only works we have at our disposal are: 1. a grammar (editio princeps 1533, written ca. 1527); 2. a syntax (ed. pr. 1530, written ca. 1528); 3. Selectissimarum orationum germanice redditarum ... exereitus (ed. pr. ca. 1540), a work on Latin expressions with their Dutch translations; 4. The Adagia, a rich collection of some 3000 proverbs, taken from Erasmus, with their Dutch equivalents added. The Adagia were published posthumously in 1561. In 1530, Sartorius had already published about 300 adages (Latin and Dutch) in an appendix to his syntax. Sartorius was interested in Dutch proverbs and phrases both as an aid in teaching Latin and for their own sake. 5. Paraphrases on the Major and Minor prophets, as well as Sapientia Salomonis (finished 1553, published 1558 in Basle). In this work, Sartorius proves himself a pronounced spiritualist rather than an Erasmian. He must have been familiar with the work of Sebastian Franck. Undoubtedly, he had read at least Franck's Verbutschiert Buch (1539) and his Sechshundert Dreyzehn Gebot und Verpot der Juden (1537). Already in the Exercitus traces of Franck's influence may be detected. There is, incidentally, little other evidence of such influence in the Netherlands in the first half of the 16th century.


Author(s):  
L.E. Murr ◽  
V. Annamalai

Georgius Agricola in 1556 in his classical book, “De Re Metallica”, mentioned a strange water drawn from a mine shaft near Schmölnitz in Hungary that eroded iron and turned it into copper. This precipitation (or cementation) of copper on iron was employed as a commercial technique for producing copper at the Rio Tinto Mines in Spain in the 16th Century, and it continues today to account for as much as 15 percent of the copper produced by several U.S. copper companies.In addition to the Cu/Fe system, many other similar heterogeneous, electrochemical reactions can occur where ions from solution are reduced to metal on a more electropositive metal surface. In the case of copper precipitation from solution, aluminum is also an interesting system because of economic, environmental (ecological) and energy considerations. In studies of copper cementation on aluminum as an alternative to the historical Cu/Fe system, it was noticed that the two systems (Cu/Fe and Cu/Al) were kinetically very different, and that this difference was due in large part to differences in the structure of the residual, cement-copper deposit.


1969 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 281-283
Author(s):  
Charles Trinkaus (book author) ◽  
John D’Amico (review author)
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Sophie Chiari

Sophie Chiari opens the volume’s last section with an exploration of the technology of time in Shakespeare’s plays. For if the lower classes of the Elizabethan society derived their idea of time thanks to public sundials, or, even more frequently in rural areas, to the cycles and rhythms of Nature, the elite benefited from a direct, tactile contact with the new instruments of time. Owning a miniature watch, at the end of the 16th century, was still a privilege, but Shakespeare already records this new habit in his plays. Dwelling on the anxiety of his wealthy Protestant contemporaries, the playwright pays considerable attention to the materiality of the latest time-keeping devices of his era, sometimes introducing unexpected dimensions to the measuring of time. Chiari also explains that the pieces of clockwork that started to be sold in early modern England were often endowed with a highly positive value, as timekeeping was more and more equated with order, harmony and balance. Yet, the mechanization of time was also a means of reminding people that they were to going to die, and the contemplation of mechanical clocks was therefore strongly linked to the medieval trope of contemptus mundi.


Moreana ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 39 (Number 149) (1) ◽  
pp. 17-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
A.D. Cousins

William J. Bouwsma influentially argued, in 1975, that “[t]he two ideological poles between which Renaissance humanism oscillated may be roughly labelled ‘Stoicism’ and ‘Augustinianism.’” He suggested that white individual humanists might, at different times, favour some version of one over some version of the other, their intellectual allegiances were nonetheless fundamentally divided between the two. An unacknowledged possibility in Bouwsma’s essay is that humanist texts might interplay the two—knowingly or unselfconsciously. Stoical elements and Augustinianism can be seen to co-exist in Boethius’ The Consolation of Philosophy, a notable precedent, perhaps. Further, they can be seen to co-exist in More’s Fortune Verses, which are at once a sophisticated contribution to the literature of Fortune and an example (most likely a self-conscious one) of Stoicism’s literary cohabitation with Augustinianism.


Moreana ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 47 (Number 181- (3-4) ◽  
pp. 9-68
Author(s):  
Jean Du Verger

The philosophical and political aspects of Utopia have often shadowed the geographical and cartographical dimension of More’s work. Thus, I will try to shed light on this aspect of the book in order to lay emphasis on the links fostered between knowledge and space during the Renaissance. I shall try to show how More’s opusculum aureum, which is fraught with cartographical references, reifies what Germain Marc’hadour terms a “fictional archipelago” (“The Catalan World Atlas” (c. 1375) by Abraham Cresques ; Zuane Pizzigano’s portolano chart (1423); Martin Benhaim’s globe (1492); Martin Waldseemüller’s Cosmographiae Introductio (1507); Claudius Ptolemy’s Geographia (1513) ; Benedetto Bordone’s Isolario (1528) ; Diogo Ribeiro’s world map (1529) ; the Grand Insulaire et Pilotage (c.1586) by André Thevet). I will, therefore, uncover the narrative strategies used by Thomas More in a text which lies on a complex network of geographical and cartographical references. Finally, I will examine the way in which the frontispiece of the editio princeps of 1516, as well as the frontispiece of the third edition published by Froben at Basle in 1518, clearly highlight the geographical and cartographical aspect of More’s narrative.


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