scholarly journals Covid and Populism in the News

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 536-561
Author(s):  
Nina Fernandes dos Santos ◽  
Camila Moreira Cesar

ABSTRACT – The recent rise of right-wing populism has given new momentum to the discussion about the meaning of populism around the world and the covid-19 pandemic added yet another layer to the issue. Considering the growing circulation of the term “populism” in public discourse, as well as the volatility of its meaning, this paper seeks to identify the different constructions of meaning around this phenomenon by Brazilian media during the covid-19 pandemic. Through quantitative and qualitative analysis, in which we used the perspective of media framings, we examine 170 articles from 17 Brazilian media outlets published between March 1st and October 1st, 2020. The results allow us to conclude that there are circumstantial meanings of populism that were incorporated during the pandemic, especially related to an antiscientific approach. RESUMO – A recente ascensão do populismo de direita tem dado um novo impulso à discussão sobre o significado do populismo em todo o mundo e a pandemia da covid-19 acrescentou uma camada complementar à questão. Considerando a crescente circulação do termo “populismo” no discurso público, bem como a volatilidade de seu significado, este artigo busca identificar as diferentes construções de sentido em torno deste fenômeno nos meios de comunicação brasileiros durante a pandemia da covid-19. Por meio de análises quantitativas e qualitativas, nas quais mobilizamos a perspectiva dos enquadramentos midiáticos, examinamos 170 artigos de 17 veículos de comunicação brasileiros publicados entre 1º de março e 1º de outubro de 2020. Os resultados permitem concluir que há sentidos circunstanciais do populismo que são incorporados durante a pandemia, especialmente relacionados a uma abordagem anticientífica RESUMEN – El reciente aumento del populismo de derecha ha dado un nuevo impulso a la discusión sobre el significado del populismo en todo el mundo y la pandemia de covid-19 agregó una capa más al problema. Considerando la creciente circulación del término “populismo” en el discurso público, así como la volatilidad de su significado, este trabajo busca identificar las diferentes construcciones de significado en torno al fenómeno por los medios brasileños durante la pandemia de covid-19. A través de un análisis cuantitativo y cualitativo, en el que utilizamos la perspectiva de los encuadres mediáticos, examinamos 170 artículos de 17 medios brasileños publicados entre el 1 de marzo y el 1 de octubre de 2020. Los resultados brindan elementos que nos permiten concluir que durante la pandemia se incorporaron significados circunstanciales del populismo, especialmente relacionados con un enfoque anticientífico.

Author(s):  
Janet O'Shea

This section contends with a central irony: Americans are among the most competitive people in the world, and yet we are among the least likely to play competitive sports in adulthood. This exercise gap is usually treated as a public health problem; the goal of this section is to treat it as a social and cultural concern. The conclusion therefore investigates the social and political implications of an American tendency to outsource physical play to experts: higher levels of fear, increased preoccupation with success at all costs, decreased creativity, and increasing rigidity of perspective and position. Specifically, the conclusion maintains that a neglect of fair play has dire consequences for democracy, a suggestion born out by the recent swing toward right-wing populism in politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Jim Garrison ◽  
Stefan Neubert

This chapter combines perspectives of Deweyan philosophy and education with Zygmunt Bauman’s sociological approach. It addresses the present deep crisis of democracy represented by renascent nationalism and right-wing populism in many places around the globe. Among other things, we explore Bauman’s account of liquid modernity with a special eye on his critical views on the ambivalence of communities in contemporary life. First, we argue that inclusive education in a Deweyan sense must be base on civil and hospitable communities. Second, we use Bauman to explain some important characteristics of exclusive as opposed to democratic communities. Third, we discuss some of the main strategies of exclusion that lead, according to Bauman, to a loss of civil spaces in liquid modernity. We interpret them as challenges and risks that Deweyan democracy has to face in the world of today. Fourth, we adopt Bauman’s idea of explosive communitites and use it to analyse some of the more dramatic and violent dangers to democracy that are involved by contemporary extreme nationalist and right-wing populist policies. Fifth, we draw implications for democracy and education by identifying some strategies to counter these dangers and to enable and facilitate new ways of liquid learning in liquid times. We discuss six necessary aspects and qualities of learning communities that seem appropriate to this end. Throughout the essay, we show, from a Deweyan perspective, that the development from solid to liquid modernity, as depicted by Bauman, has taken a new and unexpected turn, again, in the course of the very last years.


German Angst ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 331-367
Author(s):  
Frank Biess

This chapter analyzes contemporary fears in the post-unification Berlin Republic since 1990. It first historicizes the slogan of a “German angst” that is often used to diagnose a German collective pathology. Instead, the chapter argues that the concept emerged in the 1980s and 1990s as part of a conservative critique of the West German environmental and peace movements. The chapter then analyzes the emergence of deterritorialized fears that were no longer primarily bound to a national context. These deterritorialized fears manifested themselves above all in the discussion of unified Germany’s place in the world, especially with respect to the question of German participation in military interventions. Similar fears emerged with respect to the increasing presence of the world in Germany—that is, with respect to immigrants and refugees. The chapter then seeks to locate the current mobilization of such fears by right-wing populist parties in the longer history of fear in postwar Germany. Right-wing populism is part of, and draws on, an expressive emotional culture, but it turns these fears against an ethnic or religious “other,” and at times also against the democratic state itself. The chapter concludes with a reflection on what a democratic politics of emotion might look like.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 16-32
Author(s):  
Lyn Carter

This paper argues that the coterminous trends of post-liberalism’s shifting global power relations and right wing populism (RWP) have been apparent in the persistent attacks on the World Health Organisation, controversies over the SARS-CoV-2  name, and other forms of disinformation during the current pandemic. Scientific expertise and technocratic knowledge have been diminished in a cacophony of political blaming and posturing, exposing once again the entangled nature of science and politics. It is critical for science education to consider this perspective given its central role in the production of future science and medical professionals able to navigate highly charged and contested political spaces.


2022 ◽  
pp. 001872672110707
Author(s):  
Keith Grint

We are, apparently, living in unprecedented times, an Age of Uncertainty, when wicked problems whirl all around as we struggle to cope with Covid-19, environmental catastrophe and the right-wing populism that threatens to unravel all kinds of international agreements. In this personal reflection, 15 years after I wrote an article on wicked problems and the social construction of leadership, I take a look back, and forward, to see whether there ever was an Age of Certainty when only tame problems temporarily troubled us, or whether our understanding of the world is itself a social construction, open to dispute and thus we have always lived in uncertain times. In the process of this evaluation, I consider whether collaborative leadership, often associated with wicked problems, is as ubiquitous and effective as some proponents make out, and if it isn’t, what this says about our ability to address such problems.


Author(s):  
Kenneth M. Roberts

Although Donald Trump’s brand of exclusionary right-wing populism finds parallels in Europe and other parts of the world, his presidential election was a singular triumph for this type of populism in a major Western democracy. Societal resistance to Trump’s presidency is heavily conditioned by the grafting of his populist leadership onto the ideological agenda of a Republican Party transformed by the steady infusion of right-wing movement currents into its ranks. In a context of acute partisan polarization and increasingly flagrant transgressions of basic democratic norms and practices, this Resistance is necessarily a multilayered process—that is, it combines mobilization around policy issues with varied forms of “metaresistance” aimed at safeguarding democratic checks and balances.


Baltic Region ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 125-141
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Żęgota

Programmes of political parties are an important element of public discourse. In this article, I present the results of research aimed at defining the place of Russia and Polish-Russian relations in the programmes of several Polish right-wing political groups. I attempt an overview of the political programmes of the right-wing parties as regards their principal features, internal structure, and central postulates. Content analysis shows that relations with Russia are an impor tant element in most political programmes proposed by Poland’s major right-wing political groups. Based on a qualitative analysis, I distinguish between parties that postulate a determined and assertive policy towards Russia, parties committed to a neutral position on Russia, and those that seek the improvement and pragmatisation of Polish-Russian relations. There are two important conclusions from the qualitative analysis. Firstly, international relations have a pronounced influence on the programmes of political parties. Secondly, as to the right-wing parties considered in the Polish political discourse as pro-Russian (the National Revival of Poland, the National Radical Camp), they are either far from being pro-Russian or Russia is quite low on their agenda.


2019 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-73
Author(s):  
Michael Görtler

Abstract Political Education in Times of right-wing Populism. Pedagogical and Didactical Approaches to Deal with a current Threat to Peace Right-wing populism challenges the societies in Europe. The rise of such movements and parties are a threat to peace and democracy in Germany. This article focuses the possibilities as well as the boundaries of political education under the current circumstances. To this end, it discusses theoretical explanations based on approaches in peace education, political didactics and social sciences to deal with right-wing populism in practice.


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