scholarly journals Integration of Divine Impassibility with the Theopaschite Formulas in Early Christianity

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 216-224
Author(s):  
A. M. Streltsov

This article deals with a variety of opinions concerning impassibility of God in the early Christian thought of the first three centuries. Along with obvious similarities of this concept with the stance of the ancient philosophical theology certain differences also present themselves, the most obvious of which marks the presence of theopaschite formulas due to the doctrine of Incarnation. The viewpoints stretch from the rigid insistence on impassibility (Apologists, Clement of Alexandria) to a more flexible approach of Origen and, finally, to the statement that it is possible to speak of the divine suffering in some sense (Gregory Thaumaturgus). With no unified terminology worked out, Patristics of this period, nevertheless, managed to lay an appropriate framework enabling the development of metaphysics of «impassible suffering» of God in subsequent Christian philosophy.

2015 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 349-376
Author(s):  
Mike Duncan

Current histories of rhetoric neglect the early Christian period (ca. 30–430 CE) in several crucial ways–Augustine is overemphasized and made to serve as a summary of Christian thought rather than an endpoint, the texts of church fathers before 300 CE are neglected or lumped together, and the texts of the New Testament are left unexamined. An alternative outline of early Christian rhetoric is offered, explored through the angles of political self-invention, doctrinal ghostwriting, apologetics, and fractured sermonization. Early Christianity was not a monolithic religion that eventually made peace with classical rhetoric, but as a rhetorical force in its own right, and comprised of more factions early on than just the apostolic church.


Author(s):  
Piotr Ashwin-Siejkowski

Clement of Alexandria (Titus Flavius Clemens) was one of the most erudite Christian writers of the 2nd century. As little is known of Clement’s life, the dates of his birth and death are approximate. Among scholars, they are usually appointed as 150–215 ce. His place of birth is unknown; some ancient sources suggest Athens, while others propose Alexandria (Epiphanius, Refutation, 32.6.1). Equally unknown is the place of his death after he left Alexandria during the persecution under Septimius Severus in 202. However, in the light of the epistle written by Alexander, Bishop of Jerusalem around 215 (Eusebius, HE, 6.11.6), we may conclude that by that time Clement was dead. Clement’s intellectual interests were open to the whole spectrum of the Greco-Roman cultural legacy. As an intellectual he was well acquainted with Greek drama and poetry. Apart from literature, his reflection was in an open dialogue with the richness of Greco-Roman philosophies; some doctrines such as Stoicism and Middle Platonism were closer to his own stance. As Alexandria was a lively center for different trends in Jewish literature, Clement was also familiar with the Jewish Scriptures, and he valued particularly highly the exegetical legacy of Philo of Alexandria (c. 15 bce–after 41 ce). In addition, Clement was an intelligent apologist of his tradition (school) of Christianity. Thanks to his discussion with Basilides, Valentinus, Marcion, Carpocrates, and Epiphanes, we have some exclusive insights into the affluence of Christian thought of his time. Eusebius of Caesarea provides us with the list of Clement’s works (HE. 6.13.1–3). Clement’s main extant writings are usually introduced as his “trilogy”: 1: The Exhortation to the Greeks (Protrepticus); 2: The Instructor (Paedagogus), and 3: The Miscellanies (Stromateis). We have access to his homily “Who Is the Rich Man That Is Being Saved” (under its Latin title Quis Dives Salvetur); fragments with commentaries on the teaching of a Valentinian disciple, Theodotus (Excerpta ex Theodoto); and a selection from the Prophetic Sayings (Eclogae Propheticae). Eusebius’s note adds “Outlines” (Hypotyposeis). The work is lost except for some passages found in later authors (e.g., Photius’s Bibliotheca). Other lost works are On the Pascha, On Fasting, On Slander, and the Ecclesiastical Canon. The enormous spectrum of Clement’s legacy is explored in this article through the specific lens of his valuable contributions (a) to the biblical interpretation and (b) in the context of Early Christian history. This focus omits other important aspects of Clement’s legacy such as his Logos theology, ecclesiology, dealing with various philosophical ideas, and his polemic against other Christian doctrines. Nonetheless, even within this prism we can recognize Clement’s unique place among his contemporary thinkers and exegetes.


Author(s):  
Mark Edwards

This chapter delineates a typology of the power of God in early Christian sources, including the New Testament, Justin Martyr, and other apologists of the second century, such as Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Athanasius. It argues that any investigation of the concept of dunamis in early Christian writings must begin with an acknowledgement of the Scriptures, maintaining that late antique Christianity should be considered as a distinct philosophical school, which had its own first principles, interpreted its own texts, and gave its own sense to terms that it used in common with other schools. Thus, a specifically Christian notion of divine power could have been born of reflection on the common ‘reservoir’ of Christian thought, any other influence being strictly secondary.


Author(s):  
John Peter Kenney

Early Christian writers used terminology and ideas drawn from Graeco-Roman philosophical literature in their theological writings, and some early Christians also engaged in more formal philosophical reflection. The term ‘patristic philosophy’ covers all of these activities by the ‘fathers’ (patres) of the Church. The literature of nascent Christianity thus contains many concepts drawn from Graeco-Roman philosophy, and this early use of classical ideas by prominent Christians provided an authoritative sanction for subsequent philosophical discussion and elaboration. Early Christians were drawn to philosophy for many reasons. Philosophy held a pre-eminent place in the culture of the late Hellenistic and Roman world. Its schools provided training in logical rigour, systematic accounts of the cosmos and directions on how to lead a good and happy life. While philosophical movements of the period, such as Neoplatonism or Stoicism, varied widely in their doctrines, most presented accounts of reality that included some representation of the divine. These rationally articulated accounts established the theological and ethical discourse of Graeco-Roman culture. As such, philosophy had a natural appeal to Hellenistic Jewish and early Christian thinkers. It provided a ready language in which to refine ideas about the God of the ancient Hebrew scriptures, and to elaborate the trinitarian God of Christianity. It also helped to bring conceptual coherence to the ideas found in the scriptures of both religions. Finally, it provided the common intellectual discourse that those communities required in order to present their central tenets to the majority culture of the Roman empire. To a considerable extent, the notion of ‘philosophy’ suggested to the ancients a way of life as much as an intellectual discipline. This too drew Christians to the teachings of the philosophers. While there were doctrines and prescriptions of behaviour specific to the major schools, philosophers in general tended to advocate an ethically reflective and usually rather ascetic life, one which conjoined intellectual with moral discipline. This ethical austerity was prized by early Christians as an allied phenomenon within Graeco-Roman culture to which they could appeal in debates about the character of their new movement. The tacit validation that philosophy offered to the Christian movement was thus multifaceted, and, while it was sometimes thought to be associated with unacceptable aspects of pagan religious culture, philosophy provided some educated Christians with a subtle social warrant for their new life and beliefs. It should be noted that ancient Christianity was itself a complex movement. Like Graeco-Roman philosophy, Christianity included a broad spectrum of beliefs and practices. Thus those early Christians who developed their beliefs with reference to philosophy endorsed a wide range of metaphysical and ethical doctrines, ranging from materialism to extreme transcendentalism, from asceticism to spiritual libertinism. Yet, while diversity is evident, it is also true that the Christian movement came to develop a rough set of central beliefs and some early forms of community organization associated with those beliefs. This incipient ‘orthodoxy’ came to value some sorts of philosophy, especially Platonism, which seemed best suited to its theological agenda. This tacit alliance with Platonism was fraught with ambiguity and uncertainty, and it was never a reciprocal relationship. Nonetheless, in the second and third centuries a type of Christian philosophical theology emerged which owed much to the Platonic school and became increasingly dominant among orthodox Christian authors. It was this trajectory that defined the character of patristic philosophy. Early Christian thought had its origins in Hellenistic Judaism, and its initial character was defined by the dominant patterns of that tradition. This early phase extended through the first half of the second century ad, as Christianity began to define its distinctive themes associated with the nature and historical mission of Jesus Christ. Throughout the second century, Christianity became increasingly a movement made up of gentile converts; some of these new members had educations that had included philosophy and a few were even trained as philosophers. Thus Christian thought began to show increased contact with the Graeco-Roman philosophical schools, a trend no doubt reinforced by the critical need for Christians – as a proscribed religious minority – to defend their theology, ritual practices and ethics in the face of cultural and legal hostility. This so-called ‘age of the apologists’ lasted throughout the second and third centuries, until Christianity began to enjoy toleration early in the fourth century. However, it would be a mistake to consider Christian philosophical thought in that period as primarily directed towards the surrounding pagan society. In many respects philosophy, as the intellectual discourse of Graeco-Roman culture, offered gentile Christians a means to clarify, articulate and assimilate the tenets of their new faith. This process of intellectual appropriation appears to have been of considerable personal importance to many Graeco-Roman converts. Christian philosophical theology helped them to recover ideas familiar from their school training and to find unfamiliar concepts defended with the rigour much prized within Graeco-Roman culture. After Christianity became a licit religion in the fourth century, philosophical activity among Christians expanded. The task of theological self-articulation became increasingly significant as Christianity grew in the fourth and fifth centuries towards majority status within the Empire, with imperial support. In this later period the range and sophistication of Christian thought increased significantly, due in part to the influence of pagan Neoplatonism, a movement that included a number of the finest philosophers active since the classical period of Plato and Aristotle. Later patristic philosophy had a defining influence upon medieval Christian thought through such figures as Augustine and Dionysius the pseudo-Areopagite, establishing both the conceptual foundations and the authoritative warrant for the scholasticism of the Latin West and Greek East.


Scrinium ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Bogdan G. Bucur

Building on John R. Levison’s study on «The Angelic Spirit in Early Judaism», which documented the widespread use of the term «spirit» as a designation for an angelic presence, this essay argues the presence of an «angelomorphic Pneumatology» in three early Christian sources: the book of Revelation, the Shepherd of Hermas, and Clement of Alexandria. It is argued that angelomorphic Pneumatology occurs in tandem with Spirit Christology, within a binitarian theological framework. This larger theological articulation results in a quasi-Trinitarian structure of the divine world, featuring the Father, the Son/Spirit, and the angelomorphic Spirit. The final section of the essay proposes a theological interpretation of these data.


2021 ◽  
pp. 366-374
Author(s):  
Дометиан Курланов

Данная книга представляет собой историко-философское исследование о начальном периоде освоения Аристотеля христианами и является шестым изданием, вышедшим в молодой (с 2013 г.) серии «Studies in Philosophy and Theology in Late Antiquity» лондонского издательства Routledge. Автор книги (он же один из редакторов упомянутой серии) — тьютор по богословию колледжа Christ Church и профессор раннехристианских исследований факультета Теологии и религии Оксфордского университета М. Эдвардс — известен в первую очередь благодаря своим популярным работам по истории раннего христианства и патристической философии. This book is a historical and philosophical study of the early Christian reception of Aristotle and is the sixth edition of the young (since 2013) series Studies in Philosophy and Theology in Late Antiquity published by Routledge, London. The author (who is also one of the editors of the series), M. Edwards, the theology tutor at Christ Church College and professor of Early Christian Studies in the Department of Theology and Religion at Oxford University, is known primarily for his popular works on the history of early Christianity and patristic philosophy. DOI Название объекта Название объекта в переводе ФИО автора / список авторов Место работы автора ORCID Ключевые слова Аннотация


Author(s):  
Paul Kalligas

This is the first volume of a groundbreaking commentary on one of the most important works of ancient philosophy, the Enneads of Plotinus—a text that formed the basis of Neoplatonism and had a deep influence on early Christian thought and medieval and Renaissance philosophy. This volume covers the first three of the six Enneads, as well as Porphyry’s Life of Plotinus, a document in which Plotinus’s student—the collector and arranger of the Enneads—introduces the philosopher and his work. A landmark contribution to modern Plotinus scholarship, this commentary is the most detailed and extensive ever written for the whole of the Enneads. For each of the treatises in the first three Enneads, the volume provides a brief introduction that presents the philosophical background against which Plotinus’s contribution can be assessed; a synopsis giving the main lines and the articulation of the argument; and a running commentary placing Plotinus’s thought in its intellectual context and making evident the systematic association of its various parts with each other.


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