scholarly journals THE INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION AS GUARANTEE OF MULTILATERALISM IN THE INTERNATIONAL RECOGNITION, PROTECTION AND PROMOTION OF SOCIAL LABOR RIGHTS

Author(s):  
Laura Huici Sancho

La Organización Internacional del Trabajo (en adelante OIT) se creó tras la Primera Guerra Mundial con el objetivo de facilitar la definición de estándares mínimos universales de derechos sociolaborales. La OIT desarrolla su función normativa a través de la aprobación de convenios y/o recomendaciones, que los Estados miembros pueden o no ratificar e incorporar o no, en consecuencia, a sus ordenamientos jurídicos internos. Su especificidad radica, por un lado, en su carácter de Organización internacional con vocación de universalidad y, por otro lado, en el tripartismo que caracteriza su funcionamiento, con la participación en sus órganos principales no solo de representantes de los gobiernos de los Estados miembros, sino también de las principales organizaciones sindicales y empresariales de los mismos[1]. Estas características esenciales dotan de legitimidad específica la actividad normativa de la OIT, haciéndola especialmente relevante para el reconocimiento, protección y promoción internacional de los derechos sociolaborales[2].[1] Para Philip Alston, desde el inicio del nuevo siglo asistimos a una progresiva pérdida de protagonismo de las organizaciones sindicales en la regulación de las relaciones laborales, lo que debería poner en cuestión también el tripartismo en la OIT (Alston, P., “Facing Up to the Complexities of the ILO’s Core Labour Standards Agenda”, European Journal of International Law, 2005, Vol. 16, núm. 3, pp. 467-480, p. 475). Con todo, consideramos que esta forma de funcionar que da entrada en la Organización a intereses diferentes a los estrictamente gubernamentales es un logro al que no cabe renunciar a la ligera y, por tanto, es todavía hoy una especificidad relevante a la espera de nuevas evoluciones.[2] Jordi Bonet abunda en ello al afirmar que “la OIT ha mantenido una aproximación integrada respecto de los derechos humanos: el ser humano es, en el ámbito socio-laboral, titular de un conjunto de derechos y libertades que son objeto de un tratamiento jurídico no diferenciado” (Bonet Pérez, J., Mundialización y régimen jurídico internacional del trabajo. La Organización Internacional del Trabajo como referente político-jurídico universal, Barcelona, Atelier/ANUE/UB, 2007, p. 163).

2009 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Hyde

The International Labor Organization (ILO) is not an effective force for raising labor standards in the developing world and could become considerably more effective by taking account of two of the most important and interrelated recent theoretical developments in understanding labor standards. First, countries derive no comparative advantage in the global trading system from most very low labor standards. The ILO should therefore concentrate its energies on lifting these, rather than (as it so often does) concentrating on labor standards that are a source of comparative advantage, the elimination of which is resisted strongly and effectively. Second, the tools of game theory may be used to identify the collective action problems that prevent countries from lifting their own labor standards, and create a role for a transnational agency that may assist them.


1985 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 556-569
Author(s):  
Guy S. Goodwin-Gill ◽  
R.K. Jenny ◽  
Richard Perruchoud

This article seeks to: 1) examine the general status in international law of certain fundamental human rights, to determine the minimum “no derogation” standards; and 2) survey briefly a number of formal agreements between states governing migration matters, while examining some of the standard-setting work undertaken by the International Labor Organization and other institutions. Finally, certain conclusions will be drawn regarding the content and administration of the relevant law, in the light of the requirement to ensure the effective and efficient implementation of international legal obligations.


1934 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 669-684 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manley O. Hudson

Though representatives of the United States participated very actively in the drafting of the Constitution of the International Labor Organization in 1919, and though the first International Labor Conference was held in Washington under the presidency of the Secretary of Labor, the Government of the United States had no part in the work of the International Labor Organization during its first fifteen years. In consequence, the United States has hitherto held aloof from one of the most significant of the modern developments of international law. Fortunately, this situation has now been changed. On August 20,1934, the United States became the fifty-ninth member of the International Labor Organization. The steps by which this result has been achieved, and the problems growing out of it, present some interesting legal questions which ought not to escape attention.


2011 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 215-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jill Jensen

AbstractBeginning in the mid-1930s, Western Hemisphere nations turned to social insurance legislation—guided by the new concept of social security—in response to the economic crisis of the Great Depression. Supported by the International Labor Organization (ILO), national-level policy makers introduced a range of measures in recognition of the 1935 US Social Security Act. As Europe descended into a war, inter-Americanism served as way to maintain regional economic, and later military, security. This article describes an era of social welfare diplomacy in the Americas, one in which countries south of the US border projected their own distinct visions of social policy. Regional solidarity served as an integral step in the development of ideas concerning international social and economic rights. Placing President Franklin Roosevelt's Good Neighbor Policy in a wider frame, this analysis of ILO inter-American activities reveals an intriguing moment in history, when leaders from several nations saw economic development, trade, future growth, social security, and labor rights as integrally bound together.


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