scholarly journals Britain’s Post-Colonial Foreign Policy Towards the Persian Gulf Security (1971-1991): An Alternative Approach

Author(s):  
ESRA CAVUSOGLU
Author(s):  
Dionysis Markakis

This chapter assesses whether and how India is developing into a rising power in the Persian Gulf. Dionysis Markakis approaches India’s reconnection with the region in terms of ‘middle power theory’ and disaggregates the dominant economic, sociocultural, and military drivers of Indian policies in the Persian Gulf. Markakis suggests that India is still attempting to carve out its niche in the international system and that multiple factors lie behind its reticence to engage proactively in regional and world affairs. These include the strong element of multilateral alignment that runs through Indian foreign policy as well as domestic institutional weaknesses within the structure of Indian government itself. For Markakis, a primary challenge for Indian policymakers is how to outline a more proactive, rather than reactive, approach to foreign policy and the conception and exercise of power.


1994 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack S. Levy

Do political leaders learn from historical experience, and do the lessons of history influence their foreign policy preferences and decisions? It appears that decision makers are always seeking to avoid the failures of the past and that generals are always fighting the last war. The “lessons of Munich” were invoked by Harry Truman in Korea, Anthony Eden in Suez, John Kennedy in the Cuban Missile Crisis, Lyndon Johnson in Vietnam, and George Bush in the Persian Gulf War. The “lessons of Korea” influenced American debates about Indochina, and the “lessons of Vietnam” were advanced in debates about crises in the Persian Gulf and in Bosnia. Statesmen at Versailles sought to avoid the mistakes of Vienna and those at Bretton Woods, the errors of the Great Depression. Masada still moves the Israelis, and Kosovo drives the Serbs. Inferences from experience and the myths that accompany them often have a far greater impact on policy than is warranted by standard rules of evidence. As J. Steinberg argues, in words that apply equally well to the Munich analogy and the Vietnam syndrome, memories of the British capture of the neutral Danish fleet at Copenhagen in 1807 (the “Copenhagen complex”) “seeped into men's perceptions and became part of the vocabulary of political life,” and it influenced German decision making for a century.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135-156
Author(s):  
Simon Mabon

In recent years, Saudi Arabia has faced a number of serious challenges to its geopolitical position in the Persian Gulf regional security complex. Having long relied upon the United States as a guarantor of its security, recent friction between Washington and Riyadh, coupled with what appeared to be a burgeoning rapprochement between the US and Iran, has caused policymakers in Riyadh to reconsider Saudi foreign policy behavior.


Author(s):  
Nader Entessar

This chapter explores the turbulent relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia since the pivotal year of 1979 – the year of both the Iranian revolution and significant domestic turmoil in Saudi Arabia. Nader Entessar examines how the very different foreign policy objectives by the two regional powers in the Persian Gulf have evolved since 1979. Entessar provides a wide-ranging overview of the national interests and motivations, levels of threat perception and military balance, and changing domestic and foreign policy context that feed into the regional roles of Saudi Arabia and Iran and underscores the point that the projection, and degree, of influence projected by each is not static but fluctuates as domestic, regional, and global political and strategic circumstances themselves shift. Entessar argues that a “diplomacy deficit” has exacerbated volatility in the Persian Gulf and contributed to a zero-sum approach to regional security.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 431-437
Author(s):  
Marc Owen Jones

Many of the studies of disinformation tend to reflect transatlantic security concerns, and focus on the activities of Russia and China. There is notably less analysis of disinformation in the Arabic-speaking world and wider MENA region. This article analyses a number of MENA-based COVID-19 disinformation campaigns from 2020, highlighting how COVID-19 disinformation has been instrumentalised by regional actors to attack rivals or bolster the legitimacy of their own regimes. It highlights in particular how certain ‘superspreaders’ of disinformation tend to promote Saudi, Emirate and right wing US foreign policy in the Middle East.


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