scholarly journals The Way to Solve the Hong Kong Problem——from the Perspective of Educational Reform

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Ding Yuqing

The civic education in Hong Kong schools is not only valued and successful, but also controversial. In the process of implementing “one country, two systems” in Hong Kong, especially in recent years, some new situations and new problems have emerged, a series of fierce social movements have continuously erupted, and some social and political disputes have continuously emerged. some Hong Kong students in citizens’ political participation has gradually turned out to be the object of the “street politics” endures, even turned into ‘thugs’, Hong Kong, triggered a strong concern of the whole society. In order to strive for certain demands, these students have shown themselves to the public with outrageous, fanatical and even extreme actions, which run counter to the goal and purpose of Hong Kong’s civic education and have also been suspected of crimes. Faced with the uncontrollable political fanaticism of some students, summarize the experience and lessons of civic education in Hong Kong schools, formulate corresponding programs and measures in a targeted manner, and further improve them.

2004 ◽  
Vol 178 ◽  
pp. 521-523
Author(s):  
Agnes S. Ku

Fairbrother's Toward Critical Patriotism is a timely publication in the “Hong Kong Culture and Society” series: political squabbles and conflicts over the idea of patriotism in the context of the national security legislation in Hong Kong are inflamed following the spectacular mass demonstration by 500,000 people on 1 July 2003. As the author points out, patriotism and nationalism are relatively recent historical phenomena in China. In mainland China, Marxist-Leninism became the guiding ideology after 1949. Yet, from the early 1980s, in the face of a legitimacy crisis, the leadership shifted toward patriotism as a unifying and justificatory ideology while professing ultimate objectives in line with Marxist principles. In Hong Kong, civic education had been de-emphasized under the ideology of de-politicization by the colonial government until the handover in the 1990s. The book rejects the typical characterization of Hong Kong students as simply having a weak sense of patriotism and nationalism, and of mainland students as patriotic dupes under the state and presents a more nuanced analysis.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 395-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric King-man Chong

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to compare and analyse the role and implementation of nationalistic education in Hong Kong and Macau special administrative regions (SARs) since their respective handover of sovereignty to China in the late 1990s. Both SARs face the educational need to cultivate a Chinese national identification among the students after the sovereignty changes. While Macau SAR has enjoyed a relatively smooth implementation of nationalistic education towards which Macau’s schools and students are largely receptive to nationalistic programmes since its handover in 1999, Hong Kong SAR Government’s nationalistic education was met by reservation from some parents, students and civil society’s groups under allegations of “political indoctrination” and “brain-washing”. The Hong Kong civil society’s resistance to National Education culminated in the anti-Moral and National Education protest in Summer 2012 and then Hong Kong schools and society. This paper attempts to provide an overview and analysis on the development of nationalistic education in both Hong Kong and Macao SARs, and to give some possible explanations on the factors that lead to differences of perceiving and responding to the nationalistic education between both places. Design/methodology/approach After conducting a literature review, this study utilises different sources of data such as curriculum guidelines, previous studies and other scholarly findings in examining the development of civic education and national education policy in both SAR societies, as well as in discussing the possible developments of nationalistic education in both SARs by making references to previous studies of citizenship and nationalistic education. Findings This study found out that different relationships between the two SAR Governments and their respective civil society, the extent of established socio-political linkages with China, as well as the introduction of a core subject of Liberal Studies in Hong Kong secondary schools, which emphasises on multiple perspectives and critical thinking skills, are some plausible factors that explain different stories and developments of implementing nationalistic education in Hong Kong and Macao SARs. Research limitations/implications For giving suggestions for a nationalistic education in both Chinese SARs, first, there should be an exploration of multiple citizenship identities. This will allow people to choose their identities and thus facilitate their belongingness in terms of local, national and global dimensions. In addition, there should be an exploration of a Chinese national identification with different emphases such as knowledge orientation and critical thinking so as to cater for youth values. Promoting the idea of an informed and reasonable-in-thinking patriot could also be a way to ease the concern that building a national identity negates a person’s freedom of thinking. Originality/value This paper attempts to compare and analyse the different responses to the same policy of enhancing nationalistic education development in both Hong Kong and Macao SARs of China. Some plausible explanations were given based on political, social and educational factors, as well as youth value oritentations. This paper would be an attempt to show that a top-down single-minded orientated nationalistic education may not work well a society such as Hong Kong, where civil society and youth values are quite different than that can be found in China.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 205630511876335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donna SC Chu

This study aims to examine the roles of social media in protest mobilization through the case of Umbrella Movement. Instead of focusing in the occupied sites, the study chose to look at mobilization efforts and confrontations within Hong Kong secondary schools. In-depth interviews were conducted with 14 students, teachers and principals from four schools, with an aim to identify how members in schools used different media for information sharing, opinion expression and mobilization. It also reconstructed what actually occurred in the tactful negotiations between school authorities and student leaders during the movement. The findings of this study suggest that how different communication practices are mediated in particular social and cultural contexts remain to be relevant and important, as the stress on “harmony” in local education settings illustrate in this case study. The strong adherence to political neutrality and professionalism suggest that schools could hardly provide the kind of idealistic civic education stated in curriculum documents. The findings prompted for a critical reading of how apolitical civic education in Hong Kong schools constrained a social movement that was supposedly led by the youth.


Author(s):  
Ho Lawrence Ka-Ki

Abstract This article addresses a frequently asked question regarding Hong Kong policing since the outbreak of prolonged civil unrest in June 2019: How can we understand the tactics adopted by the police in their attempts to de-escalate street violence, and why did the highly regarded police quickly lose its legitimacy among the public? This article argues that these phenomena can be explained by the abrupt change in the structural and policing context. This combined and interacted with the limitations of the ‘paramilitary policing model’ and public order legislation of Hong Kong adopted since the realignment of Beijing’s Hong Kong policy under the ‘One Country Two Systems’ principle in 2012. In the face of growing resistance to change this shift demystified the ‘professionalism’, ‘neutrality’, and ‘accountability’ that had continually been associated with the public’s perception of the Hong Kong Police since the 1970s. The protests pulled the police back to the escalated force in protest policing which in turn led to further declines in perceptions of police legitimacy across the population of the special administrative region. The findings also provide the platform for further conceptual debate on police legitimacy.


2003 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-233
Author(s):  
Brian Brewer

The public administration principles characteristic of many Commonwealth countries served as the foundations for building the Hong Kong civil service. These have continued to operate in line with the `one country two systems' concept under which Hong Kong has been administered, since 1997, as a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of China. Career employment, hierarchy and public service values combined to provide an overarching unity to a system that nevertheless has developed considerable differentiation over time. This article examines the developments that are currently modifying Hong Kong's public sector. The discussion draws on documentary sources and a recently completed qualitative study on the experiences and perspectives of senior Hong Kong managers working in a dozen government departments and agencies. The discussion addresses questions about whether greater differentiation across government departments, in combination with increasing differential within these organizations, will ultimately bring about the demise of the traditional civil service system.


2017 ◽  
Vol 09 (02) ◽  
pp. 100-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
QI Lincey ◽  
Tai Wei LIM

Six pro-independence/pro-autonomy individuals who ran for the Hong Kong elections were successfully elected to Hong Kong’s legislature in 2016, reflecting some public sentiments about the current state of affairs between Beijing and Hong Kong. As they are still young, they may stay on in power until the ‘one country, two systems’ ends. Since the Occupy Central movement, a series of social movements and standoffs such as the “Fishball Revolution” and other political events had taken place.


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